Jan 15, 2021 | Comunicados de prensa, Noticias
Las recientes campañas de estigmatización, hostigamientos y operativos contra medios de comunicación en Venezuela constituyen una arremetida contra la libertad de expresión e información y atentan contra la importante contribución que estos medios realizan para darle visibilidad a las violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas por las autoridades venezolanas.
Estos ataques se producen después de otros incidentes de hostigamiento a otras organizaciones y pueden ser parte de una campaña más amplia contra la sociedad civil en Venezuela, en la que las autoridades atentan contra la labor de defensa de derechos humanos que realizan estos grupos.
El medio de comunicación Efecto Cocuyo, la cadena de radios comunitarias Fe y Alegría, así como el Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Prensa, VPI TV y el diario Panorama, entre otros medios de comunicación, se convirtieron en el blanco de campañas estigmatizantes y operativos de fiscalización por parte de las autoridades que responden a Nicolás Maduro. Según la organización venezolana de derechos humanos Provea, durante los primeros ocho meses del estado de alarma declarado por la pandemia han sido detenidos 66 periodistas y trabajadores de medios de comunicación en Venezuela.
Desde el 6 de enero de 2021, medios de comunicación independientes como Efecto Cucuyo y El Pitazo fueron señalados primero por medios privados con una línea editorial afín al gobierno y luego por las autoridades, incluido el propio Maduro, de servir para “injerencia” extranjera por recibir cooperación internacional. Al mismo tiempo, el canal digital de noticias VPI TV fue sometido a una ardua fiscalización y a la incautación de sus equipos en su sede en Caracas, lo que provocó el cierre “momentáneo” de sus operaciones.
El 8 de enero, el diario Panorama dio a conocer en sus redes sociales que había sido clausurado por cinco días por el Servicio Nacional Integrado de Administración Aduanera y Tributaria (SENIAT), bajo el argumento de “incumplimiento a deberes formales de leyes tributarias”. La clausura fue acatada por el medio de comunicación.
Otros medios han sido objeto de ataques por parte de personas desconocidas durante el mismo período. Ejemplo de ello fue el reporte del periódico digital Tal Cual el 8 de enero, qué informó de un ataque digital de tres horas en su contra, durante las cuales hubo dificultades para acceder a su página web.
El gobierno de Nicolás Maduro frecuentemente usa señalamientos y otras formas de hostigamiento para amedrentar e intentar silenciar a quienes lo critican, expresan ideas contrarias a sus políticas, o denuncian violaciones de derechos humanos, e incluso contra actores humanitarios, atentando contra el derecho a la libertad de expresión.
Estos patrones de hostigamiento se pueden traducir en ataques graves contra la integridad, libertad y garantías judiciales de defensores de derechos humanos y periodistas. Según la Alta Comisionada para los Derechos Humanos Michelle Bachelet, en Venezuela “los periodistas y los defensores de los derechos humanos que critican al Gobierno siguen siendo objeto de intimidación y difamación pública” y existen “restricciones a la libertad de expresión” que incluyen la “aplicación de la legislación en contra del odio, ataques en contra de defensores de derechos humanos y detenciones de periodistas”.
Las violaciones a los derechos humanos ocurren de forma sistemática y generalizada en Venezuela, y la Misión de Determinación de los Hechos de las Naciones Unidas encontró “motivos razonables para creer que en Venezuela se cometieron crímenes de lesa humanidad” entre 2014 y 2020.
Las autoridades tienen la responsabilidad de prevenir estos hostigamientos y ataques, y abstenerse de alentarlos o realizarlos. La ocurrencia y recurrencia de este tipo de actuaciones, como la persecución en contra de defensores y periodistas, su detención ilegal o arbitraria, así como la eventual criminalización de la cooperación internacional que promueve la promoción y defensa de derechos humanos, incluida la libertad de expresión, podrían conducir a que se cometan otras graves violaciones de derechos humanos, incluyendo eventuales crímenes de derecho internacional.
Las organizaciones firmantes condenamos estos hechos y exigimos firmemente a las autoridades bajo el mando de Nicolás Maduro que pongan fin a los hostigamientos y ataques contra los medios de comunicación, periodistas y defensores de derechos humanos; igualmente solicitamos que garanticen no solo su labor informativa y el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión, sino también su contribución a visibilizar los abusos y las violaciones a derechos humanos que se cometen en Venezuela.
Organizaciones firmantes:
Amnistía Internacional
Comisión Internacional de Juristas
Conectas
Human Rights Watch
Oficina en Washington para Asuntos Latinoamericanos (WOLA)
Jan 15, 2021 | News
The recent campaigns of stigmatization, harassment, and repression against the media in Venezuela constitute a clear attack against the freedoms of expression and of access to information and infringe upon journalists’ important contributions to expose human rights violations committed by the authorities.
These attacks follow incidents of harassment of other organizations and may be part of a broader campaign against civil society in Venezuela, through which the authorities undermine the work that these groups carry out in defense of human rights.
The media outlet Efecto Cocuyo, community radio channel Fe y Alegría, as well as the National Press Workers Union, VPI TV, and news journal Panorama, among other media outlets, have become the target of stigmatization campaigns and legal scrutiny by the authorities that respond to Nicolás Maduro.
According to Venezuelan human rights organization PROVEA, during the first 8 months of the state of emergency declared in response to the pandemic, 66 journalists and media staff have been detained in Venezuela.
Since January 6, 2021, independent media organizations such as Efecto Cocuyo and El Pitazo have been accused, first by pro-government media and later by Venezuelan authorities—including Maduro himself—of advancing foreign “interference” efforts in exchange for international cooperation.
At the same time, digital news channel VPI TV was subject to an arduous audit and the seizure of its equipment from its office in Caracas, which provoked the “temporary” closing of its operations.
On January 8, daily newspaper Panorama announced on social media that its operations had been closed for five days by the National Integrated Service for the Administration of Customs Duties and Taxes (SENIAT), on the grounds of “incompliance with formal duties and tax obligations.” The media organization complied with this order to close.
Other media groups have faced attacks by unknown actors during this same period. One example is the digital newspaper Tal Cual, which on January 8 reported that it had been the target of a 3 hour-long digital attack, during which staff experienced difficulties accessing their own web page.
The government of Nicolás Maduro frequently uses public accusations and other forms of harassment to intimidate and attempt to silence those who criticize the government, express ideas contrary to its policies, or denounce human rights violations—including against humanitarian actors—all of which undermines the right to freedom of expression.
These patterns of harassment amount to serious attacks against the integrity, freedom, and judicial guarantees of human rights defenders and journalists.
According to High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, in Venezuela “journalists and human rights defenders critical of the government continue to face intimidation and public defamation,” and there are clear “restrictions on the freedom of expression,” including the “application of legislation against targeted groups, attacks against human rights defenders and the detention of journalists.”
Human rights violations occur in a systematic and generalized manner in Venezuela, and the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission found “reasonable grounds to believe” that crimes against humanity were committed in Venezuela between 2014 and 2020.
The Venezuelan authorities have a responsibility to prevent such harassment and attacks, and to abstain from encouraging or committing them.
The occurrence and recurrence of these types of actions, including the persecution of human rights defenders and journalists, the violation of their freedom of expression or illegal or arbitrary detention, or the eventual criminalization of international support for human rights defenders, may amount to serious human rights violations or crimes under international law.
The below organizations condemn these incidents and firmly demand that authorities under the command of Nicolás Maduro put an end to the harassment and attacks against media outlets, journalists, and human rights defenders.
We also request that the authorities guarantee respect for the informative work of these groups and their freedom of expression, as well as their contributions to expose human rights abuses and violations committed in Venezuela.
Signing organizations:
Amnesty International
Conectas
International Commission of Jurists
Human Rights Watch
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
Jan 14, 2021 | News
The ICJ today deplored the comprehensive failure of the Sri Lankan authorities to ensure accountability for conflict-era crimes, marked by the dropping of charges and release of all five accused in the Joseph Pararajasingham murder trial.
Parliamentarian Joseph Pararajasingham was killed by unidentified gunmen on 25 December 2005 while he attended Christmas mass at the Batticaloa St. Mary’s Cathedral, in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. Eight other people, including his wife, were injured during the firing.
Yesterday, the Batticaloa High Court acquitted and ordered the released of all five accused, including former-LTTE cadre and now-Member of Parliament, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias ‘Pillaiyaan’, in the trial of Pararajasingham, a former Tamil National Alliance Parliamentarian. The judgment was delivered after the Attorney General’s Department (AG) informed the Court that it would not proceed with the prosecution. The AG provided no reason publicly for this decision.
“The shelving of this case five years after it began, is a blow to the victims of this serious human rights atrocity.” said Ian Seiderman, ICJ’s Legal and Policy Director.
“This constitutes yet another marker of Sri Lanka’s consistent failure to hold accountable perpetrators of serious conflict-era crimes,” he added.
In November 2020, the AG had informed the Batticaloa High Court that he intended to proceed with the case, notwithstanding the Court of Appeal deemed inadmissible important evidence of the prosecution’s case.
The UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights Investigation on Sri Lanka (2015) had already concluded that “there are reasonable grounds to believe that the Karuna Group (of which Chandrakanthan was a member) killed Joseph Pararajasingham, and that it was aided and abetted by security and army personnel.”
The acquittal in Pararajasingham’s murder case follows that of another Tamil Parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviraj, where an all-Sinhalese jury acquitted five persons including three Navy intelligence officers in December 2016, a decade after his murder.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights identified both these cases, in which no progress had been made, emblematic of Sri Lanka’s dismal record on accountability.
The ICJ called on the Attorney General’s Department to reopen fresh investigations into the murder of the deceased legislator so as to ensure justice and justice for the victims of this atrocity.
The ICJ notes that the Attorney General maintains the dual role of public prosecutor and as attorney for the State, positions which are prone to come into tension. The former UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Monica Pinto, following her mission to Sri Lanka in 2016 observed that “there is a general perception that, first and foremost, the [Attorney General’s] department defends the interests of the government and not the public’s interest.”
Background
Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan who broke away from the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2004, functioned as a paramilitary, in support of the then-Rajapaksa Government. He is presently the leader of Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), a political party aligned to the Government and was voted into Parliament at the 2020 General Elections.
Investigation into the killing only began in 2015, after a new government was formed following elections which saw the defeat of Rajapaksa. Chandrakanthan was taken into remand custody on 11 October 2015 when he arrived at the Criminal Investigation Department to record a statement in relation to the assassination of the late Tamil politician. The Attorney General indicted that Chandrakanthan (who was 3rd accused) in the High Court of Batticaloa for offences committed under the Penal Code and the Prevention of Terrorism Act. He was granted bail for the first time in November 2020 after the primary evidence against the accused was deemed inadmissible by the Court of Appeal. The case was fixed for January 11 only after the AG informed courts he intended proceeding with the case notwithstanding the Appeal Court ruling.
Contact
Osama Motiwala, ICJ Communications Officer, Asia & Pacific programme, e: osama.motiwala(a)icj.org
Dec 15, 2020 | News
On 15 December 2020, the eighth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, the ICJ joined 53 organizations and 19 individuals in reiterating its calls on the Government to reveal his fate and whereabouts and to investigate his and all other cases of alleged enforced disappearance in the country.
The statement condemned the Government’s ongoing failure to adequately investigate all allegations of enforced disappearance in Laos, which has been compounded by years of near complete lack of commitment to address this serious crime or provide an effective remedy or reparation to its victims and their families.
In June 2020, during the third Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Laos, the Government refused to accept all five recommendations that called for an adequate investigation into Sombath’s enforced disappearance. The Government failed to support another eight recommendations that called for investigations into all cases of alleged enforced disappearances in Laos. Despite the government accepting that “the search for missing Lao citizens, including Sombath Somphone, is the duty of the Lao government”, it has failed to evidence any political will to effectively execute or fulfill this duty.
Sombath Somphone was last seen at a police checkpoint on a busy street in Vientiane on the evening of 15 December 2012. Footage from a CCTV camera showed that Sombath’s vehicle was stopped at the police checkpoint and that, within minutes, unknown individuals forced him into another vehicle and drove him away in the presence of police officers. CCTV footage also showed an unknown individual driving Sombath’s vehicle away from the city center. The presence of police officers at Sombath’s abduction and their failure to intervene strongly indicates State agents’ participation in Sombath’s enforced disappearance.
Lao authorities have repeatedly claimed they have been investigating Sombath’s enforced disappearance, but have failed to disclose any new findings to the public since 8 June 2013. They have not met with Sombath’s wife, Shui Meng Ng, since December 2017. No substantive information about the investigation has been shared by the authorities with Ng or Sombath’s family, indicating that, for all intents and purposes, the police investigation has been de facto suspended.
The statement reiterated a call for the establishment of a new independent and impartial investigative body tasked with determining Sombath’s fate and whereabouts, with the authority to seek and receive international technical assistance to conduct a professional and effective investigation in accordance with international standards. This is a call which multiple signatory organizations have been making since his enforced disappearance in 2012.
The statement further urged the Lao government to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED), which Laos signed in September 2008; incorporate its provisions into the country’s legal framework, implement it in practice, and recognize the competence of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances to receive and consider communications from or on behalf of the victims.
The full statement is available here.
Contact
Kingsley Abbott, ICJ Senior Legal Adviser, e: kingsley.abbott(a)icj.org
Dec 2, 2020 | News
The ICJ today called upon the Sri Lankan authorities to conduct a prompt, thorough and impartial investigation into the events involving the use of lethal force by prison guards at Mahara prison on 29 and 30 November, which left at least nine inmates killed and over hundred others injured.
The action by the guards was taken in response to unrest resulting from protests by inmates over unsafe and overcrowded conditions in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The ICJ also called for urgent measure to address the unsafe conditions in Sri Lankan prisons to protect the right to health and life, including where necessary by releasing detainees.
“The tragic events of Mahara prison are a consequence of the failure of the Sri Lankan authorities to effectively address the situation of prison conditions, which has turned into a full blown human rights and public health crisis in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic”, said Ian Seiderman, ICJ Legal and Policy Director
The unrest was the culmination of a series of protests staged by the prisoners demanding an increase in coronavirus testing and new isolation facilities for infected prisoners. According to Senaka Perera, President of the Committee for Protecting the Rights of the Prisoners, around 200 inmates of the Mahara prison have been infected with COVID-19.
While the Minister of Rehabilitation and Prison Reforms and the Inspector General of Police have instructed the Criminal Investigation Department to probe the unrest caused at the Mahara Prison, the Minister of Justice has formed a separate five-member committee, chaired by former High Court Judge Kusala Saorini Weerawardena, to conduct its own investigation.
The ICJ recalls that under international law, the use of lethal force by State authorities is only permissible where strictly necessary to protect life. This standard should govern any investigation, and those responsible for unlawful conduct resulting in death or injuries to prisoners must be held to account.
“In addition to ensuring accountability and redress for any violations at the Mahara Prison, the authorities must act swiftly to meet the legitimate grievances of detainees throughout the country”, added Ian Seiderman.
“An effective response is not optional, but is necessary to fulfill the State’s legal obligation to provide for equal access to healthcare and health services to prisoners, who are among the most vulnerable to the ravages of COVID-19 in highly unsafe, enclosed and overcrowded environments.” Seiderman added.
The incident follows a wave of similar protests in several other prisons in the country. On 18 November, five inmates who were under quarantine at the Old Bogambara Prison attempted to break out and an inmate was shot dead when the prisoner officers opened fire at the fleeing inmates.
The ICJ called for the release of detainees who are particularly at risk of losing their life or suffering severe health effects from COVID-19. This would also apply to other convicts who could be released without compromising public safety, such as those sentenced for minor, non-violent offences.
Background
Speaking in Parliament on Monday, Minister of Rehabilitation and Prison Reforms Dr. Sudharshini Fernandopulle stated that the Government has taken steps to reduce overcrowding by directing COVID-19 positive prisoners out of the prisons to the Welikanda Hospital and moving all women inmates to the Kandakadu Rehabilitation Centre. She also stated that a mechanism has been put in place to obtain bail for those arrested for minor drug offences. Moreover, a presidential pardon has been granted to over 600 convicts of minor offences who were in remand due to their inability to pay the required fine.
Several UN bodies, including the WHO and OHCHR, came together in recommending that States consider limiting the deprivation of liberty including pretrial detention, to a measure of last resort and enhance efforts to resort to non-custodial measures.
Contact
Osama Motiwala, Communications Officer – osama.motiwala(a)icj.org
