Aug 22, 2017 | News, Publications, Reports, Thematic reports, Video clips
The institutional political crisis in Venezuela has brought the rule of law to near collapse and severely obstructed accountability for those responsible for gross human rights violations, the ICJ concluded in a report released today.
The ICJ’s report Achieving Justice for Gross Human Rights Violations in Venezuela found that the authorities led by President Nicolás Maduro have undertaken a sustained campaign to take control of the Supreme Court of Justice and, with the Supreme Court’s support, suspend the constitutional powers of the former National Assembly and subvert efforts to hold the executive to account within a rule of law framework.
“Rule of law in Venezuela has been replaced by rule of arbitrary executive power,” said Alex Conte, ICJ’s Global Accountability coordinator.
“The Constitution is disregarded, the judiciary cannot exercise its independent function, and the separation of powers is non-existent,” he added.
The ICJ’s report concludes that the human rights situation in Venezuela has deteriorated rapidly in recent years, particularly since 2014.
Extrajudicial and arbitrary executions, the practices of torture and ill-treatment, arbitrary detention, the trial of civilians by military courts and the criminalization and prosecution of political and social dissent have only increased.
“The political context of extreme polarization and the breakdown of the rule of law, along with the judiciary’s lack of independence, have severely obstructed accountability for those responsible for gross human rights violations,” said Conte.
“Victims and their families are left without justice.”
This situation has been further exacerbated by the recent dismissal of Venezuela’s Attorney General, described by the ICJ as a politically motivated act that violates international standards and removes one of the last institutional checks on executive authority and destroys one of the few glimmers of hope for an end to impunity for human rights violations.
Also troubling is the establishment by the new Consituent National Assembly of a ‘Truth Commission’, which the ICJ fears will be a politically manipulated instrument aimed at entrenching impunity for the executive and, when combined with President Maduro’s declaration that legal immunity will be stripped from National Assembly members that have opposed him, a tool to silence Government opposition, rather than to help discharge Venezuela’s duty to promptly, independently and effectively investigate allegations of gross human rights violations.
“Venezuela’s situation of entrenched impunity cannot be resolved without the establishment of an independent judicial authority that can address human rights violations, deter further violations and help bring back the rule of law,” Conte added.
Contact:
Alex Conte, ICJ Global Redress and Accountability Initiative, t: +41 79 957 27 33; e: alex.conte(a)icj.org
Federico Andreu Guzman, ICJ Senior Legal Adviser, Americas, e: Federico.andreu(a)icj.org
Venezuela-GRA Baseline Study-Publications-Reports-Thematic reports-2017-ENG (full report, PDF)
Read also:
ICJ Position Paper on the Dismissal of the Attorney General of Venezuela (August 2017)
ICJ Report, Venezuela: The Sunset of the Rule of Law (October 2015)
ICJ Report, Strengthening the Rule of Law in Venezuela (November 2014)
Aug 3, 2017 | News
The ICJ is deeply concerned by the Constituent Assembly elections held in Venezuela on 31 July and the violence that accompanied the process and left a number of people killed, injured or arbitrarily detained.
The ICJ considers that the election of a National Constituent Assembly (NCA) failed to comply with the Article 347 of the current Constitution, which provides the legal basis for convening of an NCA. In particular, a significant portion of the members of the NCA should be chosen in open and universal elections, but instead are to be selected from restricted social sectors.
Such arrangements undermine the right to direct, free, equal and secret elections recognized under international human rights standards, the Geneva-based organization adds.
“A Constitution which does not guarantee the basic principles of the rule of law and the validity of fundamental human rights and freedoms not only violates the international obligations of the Venezuelan State, but can also be used as a means of undermining the human rights of Venezuelans,” said Sam Zarifi, Secretary General of the ICJ.
The ICJ also calls for a prompt and independent investigation into alleged electoral fraud on the day of the poll.
The ICJ says that irrespective of its legitimacy, the new NCA must respect human rights and rule of law principles.
In particular, until the approval of a new Constitution, the NCA must respect the current Constitution of 1999, especially in terms of judicial independence, and protection of human rights.
Similarly, the new Constitution, which the NCA will draft, must also fully guarantee the basic principles of the rule of law, including the separation of powers, legislative autonomy, the independence of the judiciary, the subordination of military forces to the civil authority and the principle of legality and judicial control of executive actions.
The new Constitution also must fully guarantee the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It must enshrine the prohibition of trials of civilians by military courts, and ensure that states of emergency respect the requirements and guarantees of the Covenant International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and other international law and standards, the ICJ adds.
The ICJ also considers that the new Constitution, in addition to incorporating the human rights and fundamental freedoms already contained in the current Constitution, should add the express prohibition of extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, torture and ill-treatment, arbitrary detention, and other serious human rights violations.
Jun 23, 2017 | News, Op-eds
An opinion editorial by Belisário dos Santos Júnior, a Brazilian lawyer who is a member of ICJ’s Executive Committee.
When assessing the Brazilian political situation, it is important to always mention the date, since the situation changes almost every minute, following the rhythm of denunciations and accusations.
Over the past three years, the main preoccupation of most people living in Latin America has been the level of violence in their countries.
In Brazil, however, although political and criminal violence is high, corruption has been the primary concern of the population, before health and with violence coming in only third position of the population’s concerns (source: Latino barômetro).
The yearly global corruption perception index of Transparency International put Brazil in the 79th position, of 176 countries rated (where 1st position is given to the country with the lowest perception of corruption and 176th given to the country with the highest perception of corruption) with a grade of 40 (0 is for the most corrupted countries and 100 for the cleanest ones).
Brazil was sharing its position with countries such as China, India and Belarus. Its grade was 3 points below the world average.
The report mentioned a clear relationship between corruption and inequalities, creating a vicious circle between corruption, unequal distribution of power and unequal distribution of wealth. How can we correct this?
Brazil is currently reacting to the problem with new laws, new police investigations and legal proceedings, which are important.
But these measures alone will not be enough to change a culture of bypassing laws into a culture of integrity and respect of honesty.
The last elected government, elected in 2014, with Dilma Rousseff as President and Michel Temer as Vice-President (photo), should have lasted until 2018 but fell in 2016 with the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff led by the President of the Federal Supreme Court and decided by the National Congress after two ballots.
Rousseff was accused of having manipulated the federal budget to hide the country’s real economic situation. Michel Temer assumed office as President following Rousseff’s impeachment.
Lula da Silva, the former President (2003-2010), ended his term in the middle of a legal storm when the Federal Supreme Court issued its judgment on the Criminal Lawsuit 470 (corruption of parliamentarians to maintain the influence of the Government in the Congress) and sentenced to prison ministers, businessmen, leaders of Lula’s Workers’ Party and other party leaders.
With the progressive use of the system of delação premiada (which is where a defendant is granted a reduced sentence or other beneficial measure for providing evidence against other persons), a measure included in the new Brazilian law to combat criminal organizations, and a series of police operations (the most famous of which is the operation Lava Jato, or ‘Car Wash’ in English), even more politicians and businessmen have been arrested and/or tried for corruption or money laundering.
More than one third of the National Congress’s members have been targeted by police operations for being implicated in controversial acts, either as agents or beneficiaries.
The current President, Michel Temer, and some of his ministers are under investigation by the Federal Police and on the verge of being denounced by the Federal Prosecutor’s Office for passive corruption.
The last two delação premiada, those of the CEOs of two Brazilian transnational corporations (Odebrecht and JBS), have overturned the political order, and so did the information that more than 2000 politicians received money from slush funds to finance their election campaigns.
Two governors and various parliamentarians are already in jail, including the former President of the Chamber of Deputies, Eduardo Cunha.
Lula da Silva himself is already facing various legal proceedings for corruption.
The winning ticket of the 2014 presidential election was recently judged in a case concerning potential abuse of economic power during their campaign.
Following a very close vote (4 against 3), the Superior Electoral Court rejected claims that illegal money was used in the Rousseff-Temer campaign.
If convicted, Michel Temer would have been forced out of the presidency.
The claim of economic power abuse was rejected only on a procedural matter: the evidence gathered – recordings, pictures, content of delação premiada – was considered inadmissible.
Aécio Neves, the opposition leader who competed against the Rousseff-Temer ticket in 2014, is in no better situation: a few weeks ago, a judicial decision deprived him of his mandate in the Federal Senate.
His sister and his cousin are already in jail and he himself is at risk of being sent to prison if the Federal Supreme Court requests this from the National Congress.
The Brazilian institutions are under investigation, but they are still functioning. Even members of the judiciary and the prosecutor’s office are being investigated.
There is still a decent level of trust in the work the current economic team is doing.
The National Congress gave its approval for the Constitutional Amendment on the Expenditure Ceiling, which will impose a series of conditions to public spending over the next few years. This somehow increases the credibility of the country’s economy.
On the agenda of the Congress, but affected by the series of denunciations for corruption that have hit parliamentarians, are the social security and labour reform bills considered essential for the future of the country by all the economic experts.
But it must also be noted that in the name of the fight against corruption, the Police and Federal Prosecutor’s Office have committed some abuses, to the point that a judge of the Supreme Court said Brazil was on the way to turning into a police state.
Corruption has reached such a level of intensity in the Brazilian political world that people are left in a severe and dangerous state of disappointment and despair. Already the current President is reaching a mere 1% approval rating…
Only elections would improve such a situation. The next presidential election is scheduled in 2018. But who will be eligible to run for it? The law prevents anyone who has a police record from applying.
However, society is reacting, taking various initiatives that value integrity measures, compliance actions, measures linked to education, in addition to the holding of intense debates demanding respect for democracy and human rights and calling for political reform.
Some people want direct elections now but this is contrary to the Constitution. However, 2018 is a long way to go and in the meantime there will be many public demonstrations.
But one thing is sure: Brazil is greater than the crisis it is facing now. This country has survived worse situations, including two long periods of dictatorship. Brazil will battle against this new agony. Respect for democracy, the Constitution and rule of law will prevail at the end.
A versão portuguesa pode ser descarregada abaixo:
Brazil-Corruption crisis-News-Op-ed-2017-POR (em PDF)
Jun 5, 2017 | News
La CIJ espresa su más honda preocupación por los desalojos forzosos de las comunidasdes de Laguna Larga y la Mestiza, del Departamento de El Petén.
El pasado viernes 2 de junio, el Gobierno de Guatemala llevó a cabo un operativo militar en el Departamento de El Petén de desalojo forzoso de la comunidad Laguna Larga, situada en Laguna del Tigre en el municipio de San Andres, y tiene programado llevar a cabo otro de la comunidad La Mestiza, del mismo municipio, para el 14 de junio.
Como consecuencia de este operativo militar, la comunidad de Laguna Larga – alrededor de 600 o 700 personas, incluidos niños, mujeres y ancianos- decidió desplazarse en condiciones deplorables hacia territorio mexicano, en búsqueda de refugio y protección.
El sábado 3 de junio los miembros de la comunidad de Laguna Larga cruzaron la frontera y se encuentran actualmente en el municipio de La Candelaria, Campeche, México, en condiciones sumamente adversas. Varios niños y niñas muestran signos de enfermedades respiratorias.
Preocupa particularmente a la CIJ la situación física y mental de un niño que fuera perseguido por las fuerzas militares, durante el operativo de desalojo.
En repetidas ocasiones, la CIJ ha expresado que las comunidades que viven en los municipios de San Andrés y La Libertad en el departamento de El Petén, siguen enfrentando la exclusión sistemática por parte de las instituciones del Estado, así como violaciones graves a los derechos humanos, en particular violaciones a los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales.
Por el hecho de vivir en una zona protegida de conformidad con la Ley de Áreas Protegidas, el Estado guatemalteco considera a estas poblaciones como “ilegales” y las acusa de cometer el delito de “usurpación” de áreas protegidas, prohibiendo el ingreso de materiales de construcción, herramientas o cualquier bien que pueda garantizar o significar la más mínima “permanencia” en dichas comunidades o en la zona.
Recientemente fue detenido arbitrariamente el señor Jovel Tovar, acusado del delito de usurpación de áreas protegidas, quien se encuentra detenido en la cárcel de San Benito, en el Departamento de El Petén.
Paradójicamente, el Estado guatemalteco permite y facilita la explotación petrolera en dicha zona, de la compañía PERENCO, a pesar de que los derrames petroleros y otras actividades relacionadas con esa actividad, producen un serio deterioro a las reservas de agua dulce, las cuales son las más importantes de Mesoamérica.
La CIJ considera que esta política afecta seriamente los derechos de la población asentada en la zona.
En repetidas ocasiones, la CIJ ha podido observar que el Ejército de Guatemala, conjuntamente con la Comisión Nacional de Áreas Protegidas (CONAP), implementa operativos por medio de los cuales se lleva a cabo un acoso permanente a las comunidades que viven en las zonas protegidas.
La presencia del Ejército de Guatemala en la zona y la existencia de diferentes “retenes” militares son parte de la estrategia de acoso permanente a las poblaciones asentadas en la región, las cuales llegaron allí en el marco de un programa estatal en los años setenta, antes de la declaración de zona protegida.
Según la Constitución Política de la República de Guatemala, el Estado se organiza para proteger a la persona y no para perseguirla.
El acoso permanente a las comunidades, así como las políticas de Estado contra las personas que viven en las zonas protegidas, estableciendo “cercos de presión psicológica, material y militar”, constituye una política de Estado que contradice la Constitución Política de Guatemala, así como convenios y tratados en materia de derechos humanos – especialmente el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales (PIDESC) de las Naciones Unidas-, que imponen la obligación al Estado de garantizar los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales y que toda persona disfrute del más alto nivel posible de salud física y mental.
Ramón Cadena, Director de la CIJ para Centro América expresó: “Esta política del Estado de Guatemala de desalojar a las comunidades de cualquier región del país en forma violenta, contraviene el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y los estándares internacionales y el Estado de Guatemala debe ser declarado responsable y reparar los daños y perjuicios causados.”
Para mayor información:
Ramón Cadena, director CIJ C.A. al correo ramon.cadena(a)icj.org o a los telefonos +502 23601919; +502 23610538.
Leer más aqui:
Guatemala-Desalojo Peten-News-2017-SPA (en PDF)
May 17, 2017 | News
La CIJ condena enérgicamente la violenta represión de las manifestaciones por parte del Gobierno venezolano y sus cuerpos de seguridad, así como el juzgamiento de civiles por tribunales militares de ese país.
Entre el 4 de abril y el 16 de mayo de 2017, han fallecido de manera violenta más de 40 personas en el contexto de manifestaciones, por la acción de los cuerpos de seguridad del Estado venezolano y grupos armados de civiles afectos al Gobierno.
Asimismo, centenares de personas han sido detenidas arbitrariamente, muchas de las cuales han sido trasladadas a prisiones militares, instalaciones de organismos de seguridad o a cárceles de máxima seguridad.
Numerosos detenidos han denunciado golpizas, tratos crueles e inhumanos así como actos de tortura.
Igualmente, por lo menos 275 civiles están procesados por tribunales militares, acusados de delitos previstos en el Código Militar, como los de “rebelión” y “traición”.
En muchos casos, a los abogados defensores se les limita el acceso a las salas de audiencia, sólo están autorizados a hablar uno pocos minutos antes de las audiencias con sus defendidos y se les restringe el acceso al expediente penal.
La CIJ recuerda que todas estas prácticas vulneran derechos y libertades fundamentales y constituyen una violación flagrante por parte del Estado venezolano de sus obligaciones constitucionales e internacionales de garantizar y proteger los derechos humanos.
Desde hace varios años la CIJ ha venido siguiendo la situación en Venezuela y ha podido constatar el vertiginoso y sistemático deterioro de los derechos humanos y de las libertades fundamentales, la pérdida de independencia del Poder judicial y, en general, el ocaso del Estado de Derecho.
Al respecto ver los informes de la CIJ: Fortaleciendo el Estado de Derecho en Venezuela (2014) y Venezuela: el ocaso del Estado de Derecho (2015).
Feb 27, 2017 | News
La visita se enmarcó dentro de los esfuerzos que la CIJ lleva a cabo en distintos países para acompañar procesos de fortalecimiento del Estado de Derecho y respeto de los derechos humanos.
Guatemala-Conclusions of Mission-News-web story-2017-SPA (informe completo, PDF)
