Nov 26, 2019 | Comunicados de prensa, Noticias
Las finalistas del Premio Martin Ennals 2020 son tres mujeres excepcionales – Huda Al-Sarari, Norma Ledezma y Sizani Ngubane – reflejo del lugar preponderante que actualmente ocupan las mujeres en la defensa de los derechos humanos. La CIJ es miembro del jurado.
En Yemen, Huda Al-Sarari denuncia la existencia de prisiones secretas y numerosos casos de tortura.
En México, Norma Ledezma lucha contra los feminicidios y casos de desaparición.
En Sudáfrica, Sizani Ngubane promueve el acceso de las mujeres a la educación y a la tierra.
Tres mujeres candidatas: un estreno
El Premio Martin Ennals recompensa cada año a defensores o defensoras de los derechos humanos procedentes del mundo entero que se distinguen por su profundo compromiso, un compromiso que a menudo pone en peligro su vida.
Para la edición de 2020, el jurado ha elegido por primera vez como candidatas a tres mujeres que defienden los derechos fundamentales de sus comunidades en contextos delicados.
«La Fundación Martin Ennals se enorgullece de rendir homenaje al valiente trabajo de tres mujeres. La selección de nuestro jurado para el Premio Martin Ennals 2020 refleja el importante impulso mundial de individuos que, sea cual sea su género, trabajan por el respeto de los derechos humanos, y de los derechos de las mujeres en particular», señala Isabel de Sola, directora de la Fundación Martin Ennals.
«Las finalistas del Premio Martin Ennals 2020 trabajan en continentes distintos, pero las tres tienen en común su resistencia, su determinación, su enorme rigor y, por último, el impacto positivo y concreto de su trabajo», subraya Hans Thoolen, presidente del jurado.
Las finalistas
En Yemen, en un conflicto que causa estragos desde 2005, Huda Al-Sarari, abogada yemení, ha desvelado la existencia de varios centros de detención secretos en los que se han cometido las peores violaciones de derechos humanos: torturas, desapariciones e incluso ejecuciones sumarias.
En Sudáfrica, las mujeres se enfrentan a una discriminación que se traduce en una violencia de género muy extendida. En las comunidades rurales, las mujeres a menudo se ven expropiadas de sus tierras, y se las priva de la educación y del acceso a la justicia. Sizani Ngubane fundó una organización de más de 50.000 mujeres procedentes de zonas rurales del país y desde hace más de 40 años lucha con éxito para que se reconozcan sus derechos.
En México, con el Estado de derecho desmoronándose, la población civil paga el elevado precio de la violencia y la impunidad generalizadas. Las mujeres son las principales víctimas de ese desmoronamiento: cada año se cometen más de 3.500 feminicidios. Norma Ledezma, madre de una de las víctimas, se dedica a acompañar a las familias del estado de Chihuahua en su acceso a la justicia.
Los finalistas han sido seleccionados por las organizaciones representadas en el jurado: la CIJ, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Human Rights First, International Federation for Human Rights, World Organisation Against Torture, Front Line Defenders, EWDE Germany, International Service for Human Rights y HURIDOCS.
Velada de entrega del Premio, el 19 de febrero de 2020 El Premio Martin Ennals 2020 será otorgado a una de las tres finalistas el 19 de febrero de 2020 durante una velada pública y retransmitida en livestream. El evento es organizado por la Ciudad de Ginebra que, fiel a su compromiso en favor de los derechos humanos, respalda el Premio desde hace numerosos años.
Contacto
Olivier van Bogaert, Director de comunicación de la CIJ, miembro del jurado, t: +41 22 979 38 08 ; e: olivier.vanbogaert(a)icj.org
Universal-MEA2020bios-News-2019-SPA (biografías completas de las finalistas, en PDF)
Nov 26, 2019 | News
Three exceptional women – Huda Al-Sarari, Norma Ledezma and Sizani Ngubane – are the finalists for the 2020 Martin Ennals Award, a demonstration of the leading position now occupied by women in the defence of human rights. The ICJ is member of the MEA Jury.
In Yemen, Huda Al-Sarari has exposed and challenged the existence of secret prisons and many cases of torture.
In Mexico, Norma Ledezma is fighting against femicides and disappearances.
In South Africa, Sizani Ngubane is fighting for access for women to education and to land.
Three women nominated: a first
Each year, the Martin Ennals Award rewards human rights defenders from around the world who distinguish themselves by their strong commitment to promoting human rights – often at the risk of their own lives.
In 2020, for the first time the Jury nominated three women who defend the fundamental rights of their communities in sensitive contexts.
“The Martin Ennals Foundation is proud to recognize the courageous work of three women. For the 2020 edition, our Jury’s choice reflects the ever-greater global impetus of individuals – whatever their gender – who are committed to respect for human rights and women’s rights in particular,” said Isabel de Sola, Director of the Martin Ennals Foundation.
“The finalists for the 2020 Martin Ennals Award work on different continents, but all three have in common their resilience, determination, a tremendous rigour and, finally, the positive and concrete impact of their work,” added Hans Thoolen, Chairman of the Jury.
In Yemen, where the conflict has been ongoing since 2005, Huda Al-Sarari, a Yemeni lawyer, unveiled the existence of several secret detention centres where the worst violations of human rights were committed: torture, disappearances or even extrajudicial executions.
In South Africa, women face discrimination, the worst expression of which is widespread gender violence. In rural communities, they frequently have their land expropriated and are deprived of access to education and justice. Sizani Ngubane founded an organization of more than 50,000 women from rural areas in her country and has fought successfully for over 40 years for the recognition of their rights.
In Mexico, the civil population is paying a high price for the weakness of the rule of law which is underpins widespread violence and impunity. Women are the primary victims, with more than 3,500 femicides committed each year. Norma Ledezma, who is the mother of one of the victims, puts all her energy into supporting families seeking access to justice in the state of Chihuahua.
The finalists were selected by a jury made up of representatives of ten of the world’s leading human rights organizations: the ICJ, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Human Rights First, International Federation for Human Rights, World Organisation Against Torture, Front Line Defenders, EWDE Germany, International Service for Human Rights and HURIDOCS.
The 2020 Martin Ennals Award will be given to one of the three finalists on 19 February 2020 at a livestreamed public ceremony. The event is hosted by the City of Geneva which, as part of its commitment to human rights, is a longstanding supporter of the Award.
Contact
Olivier van Bogaert, Director Media & Communications, ICJ representative in the MEA Jury, t: +41 22 979 38 08 ; e: olivier.vanbogaert(a)icj.org
Chloé Bitton, Communications Manager, Martin Ennals Foundation, t +41 22 809 49 25 e: cbitton(a)martinennalsaward.org
Universal-MEA2020bios-News-2019-ENG (full bios of finalists, in PDF)
Universal-MEA2020bios-News-2019-ARA (full story and bios of finalists in Arabic, PDF)
Nov 24, 2019 | Editorial, Noticias
Una opinión editorial de Alejandro Salinas Rivera, Comisionado de la CIJ (Chile)
A casi un mes de iniciadas las protestas sociales, las fuerzas políticas llegaron a un acuerdo que podría permitir abordar la crisis social evidenciada con las protestas.
Durante varios días, millones de personas salieron a las calles para solicitar reformas profundas para garantizar los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales. La mayoría de las protestas fueron pacíficas; sin embargo, algunos actos de violencia fueron perpetrados.
La reacción inicial de las autoridades gubernamentales y de otros líderes políticos no permitió abordar con seriedad las preocupaciones y las demandas ciudadanas. Además, hay denuncias sobre graves violaciones de los derechos humanos cometidas por miembros de la fuerza pública. Por ejemplo, el Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos (INDH) indicó que representa a 489 personas que sufrieron actos que pueden constituir violaciones a los derechos humanos, y hay más de 200 personas heridas en los ojos por balines de goma.
Acuerdo político alcanzado recientemente
El 15 de noviembre, los partidos políticos con representación parlamentaria (a excepción del Partido Comunista y de pequeños partidos de izquierda), firmaron un acuerdo político que propone un camino para abordar la crisis: la definición de un procedimiento para adoptar una nueva Constitución.
Pero, ¿por qué es tan importante esto en Chile? Porque la Constitución chilena fue redactada y adoptada en 1980 durante la dictadura militar, y aunque se le han introducido modificaciones durante la democracia (1990), todavía refleja el modelo político y social que gobierna el país. La Constitución siempre ha sido considerada como una camisa de fuerza que impide introducir cambios sociales que el país necesita, ya que otorga al Estado un papel subsidiario en la garantía de ciertos derechos económicos y sociales.
El acuerdo político alcanzado estableció una hoja de ruta para realizar el cambio constitucional. Primero, en abril de 2020 se realizará un plebiscito para preguntarle a las personas: a) ¿Quiere usted una nueva Constitución? (Aprueba/ Rechaza); y b) ¿Qué tipo de órgano debiera redactar la nueva Constitución? (Convención Mixta Constitucional o Convención Constitucional).
En segundo lugar, después de los resultados del plebiscito, se llevarán a cabo las elecciones de los miembros que integrarán el organismo encargado de redactar la nueva Constitución (octubre 2020), y después de su redacción, habrá un plebiscito ratificatorio obligatorio.
Este acuerdo político genera esperanza para que se realice un cambio que permita abordar las demandas sociales y mejorar el diseño institucional que se encarga de garantizar los derechos económicos y sociales. Sin embargo, el acuerdo por sí solo no es suficiente. Es necesario, además, tomar medidas inmediatas que permitan lograr acuerdos sustanciales y fortalecer, ahora, la capacidad institucional.
Otras acciones que deben realizarse
Además del acuerdo político alcanzado, hay otras acciones que se deben realizar. Por ejemplo, se debe:
- Adoptar acuerdos políticos específicos que hagan viable el proceso constitucional acordado y que garanticen que dicho proceso responda a las demandas ciudadanas. Así, debe modificarse la Constitución para permitir la convocatoria al plebiscito, y se debe implementar dicho mecanismo en abril de 2020.
- Adoptar políticas públicas específicas para materializar los derechos económicos y sociales que no requieren cambios constitucionales; solo requieren voluntad política. Por ejemplo, se pueden introducir mejorías significativas a los sistemas de salud, de educación y de pensiones.
- Investigar, de manera pronta y efectiva, la actuación de la policía y de las fuerzas de seguridad en el marco de las protestas. Esto requiere una revisión completa de los protocolos de actuación y, posiblemente, la adopción de reformas institucionales.
- Investigar, de manera pronta y efectiva, las denuncias en contra de miembros de la policía y de las fuerzas de seguridad por violaciones graves de los derechos humanos y, cuando la evidencia lo amerite, enjuiciar y sancionar a los responsables. El rol independiente de los jueces y los fiscales es clave para cumplir con esta obligación.
- Investigar, de manera pronta y efectiva, los actos de violencia cometidos durante las protestas, y cuando la evidencia lo amerite, enjuiciar y sancionar a los responsables.
- Fortalecer las instituciones públicas, como las fuerzas policiales (Carabineros), el Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos, las oficinas gubernamentales a cargo de las políticas públicas sociales, entre otras.
En suma, el camino que se avecina no es fácil y está lleno de obstáculos para Chile, pero proporciona una esperanza para abordar la crisis social. Por ejemplo, cambiar la Constitución era una tarea pendiente de la democracia chilena, y ahora parece posible. Entre los próximos pasos se encuentra el diseño de un modelo político y social que garantice la equidad, que permita la solidaridad y que garantice plenamente los derechos humanos.
Nov 24, 2019
An opinion editorial by Alejandro Salinas Rivera, ICJ Commissioner (Chile)
Almost one month after the social protests began in Chile, the democratic political forces have reached an agreement that might enable the country to address the social crisis the protests evidenced.
During the past month, millions of people took to the streets throughout the country calling for deep reforms to guarantee economic, social and cultural rights. Most of the protests were pacific; however, some serious acts of violence were committed.
Initially, governmental authorities and other political leaders’ reactions failed to meaningfully address the concerns and demands of protestors and many in the general public. In addition, there were credible allegations of serious human rights violations committed by personnel of the security forces. For instance, the National Institute of Human Rights (NHRI) indicated it is representing 489 persons that suffered from criminal acts that may constitute violations to human rights, and there are more than 200 people injured in the eyes by the effect of rubber pellets.
Recent political agreement
On 15 November, political parties with parliamentary representation, except the Communist Party and small leftist parties, signed an agreement that establishes the beginning of a path to address the crisis: a procedure to adopt a new Constitution.
But why is this so important in Chile? Because the current Constitution was drafted and adopted in 1980 during the dictatorship. Despite the changes introduced since democracy after 1990, the fact is it still reflects the political and social model that governs the country. The Constitution has always been considered as a straitjacket to introducing social changes that Chile needs to effectively improve the quality of life of its inhabitants, as it does not give a prominent role to the State to guarantee economic and social rights.
The agreement established an itinerary for this constitutional change. First, there will be a popular referendum to be held in April 2020, to ask the people: a) Do you want a new Constitution? (Approve/Disapproved); and b) What kind of body should write the new Constitution? (Mixed Constitutional Convention or Constitutional Convention).
Second, after the results of the referendum, there will be an election to integrate the body that will draft the new Constitution in October of 2020, and after drafting the new Constitution there will be a popular referendum to ratify the draft.
This agreement raises hope for a profound change to address the social demands in Chile and to improve the institutional design for guaranteeing economic, social and cultural rights. However, it alone will not be enough to solve the demands expressed in the protests. There is a need to take immediate actions to achieve substantial agreements for the effective realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and to strengthen the State’s capacity to respond to social demands and to close the inequality gap.
Further steps that need to be taken
Additional tasks remain pending after the signing of this historic agreement. Some of them are,
- Adoption of specific political agreements that makes the constitutional process viable, and that guarantee that it answers to the current social demands. The first major agreement is to establish the terms of the referendum that will call the people to decide on the adoption of new Constitution and to call to the popular vote in April.
- Adoption of specific public policies to materialize economic and social rights that do not require constitutional changes, just strong political will. These would include, for example, real improvements of the pension, health and education system.
- Prompt and effective investigation into the actions of the police and security forces during the protests. This requires a complete review of the action protocols, and possibly, the adoption of changes within the institution.
- Prompt and effective investigation of the complaints against the police and the security forces for serious human rights violations and, where the evidence warrants, prosecute and sanction those responsible. Independent judges and the prosecutors are key to fulfilling this obligation.
- Prompt and effective investigations of the acts of violence committed during the protests that affected and damaged the country and bring those responsible to justice.
- Strengthening public institutions, such as the police forces (Carabineros), the National Institute of Human Rights, Government’ offices in charge of social public policies, among others.
The road that lies ahead is not easy and it is full of obstacles, but it opens a path of hope. For instance, changing the Constitution was a pending task of Chilean democracy, and now it seems possible. The next steps are to design a political and social model that guarantees equity, allows solidarity and fully respects human rights.
Oct 31, 2019
An opinion editorial by Alejandro Salinas Rivera, ICJ Commissioner (Chile)
The recent social protests Chile faces have their roots in rampant inequality, social distrust on public institutions, and lack of guarantees of economic and social rights for the population.
The origins of the protests date back several years. They express three structural problems which question the foundations of the political and social model of Chilean democracy.
Those problems are continued inequality despite the country’s economic and social success, social distrust in public institutions, and insufficient State capacity in realizing economic and social rights.
The country faces frustrations that remain from the earlier dictatorship and problems that are evident during democracy due to this pervasive inequality.
Rights are not guaranteed evenly for everyone. For example, some people access health services similar to those provided in more fully developed countries, and others have access to poor quality of health services.
Education rights are also guaranteed unequally: public education is not cheap and, for example, university fees are very high for Chileans.
Also, municipalities in Chile are classified as rich and poor; the infrastructure and quality of the roads change depending on the neighbourhood. Is all this fair? No.
So why are there so many inequalities between the people of Chile?
Citizens have stopped believing and respecting that public institutions will help them guarantee their rights, and hopelessness has permeated the souls of many Chileans.
Current social protests: what now?
There have been numerous protests in recent days. The immediate trigger was the Chilean government’s announcement of rising the metro prices in Santiago on 6 October, but they are related to the profound inequity and the institutional distrust the country faces.
After 6 October, some people, mainly students, began a mass action involving the evading paying metro fares in Santiago, and because this practice continued, police forces (Carabineros) were sent to stop it.
The protests expanded beyond these actions and on the night of the 18 October several protests arose in different cities.
The initial response of President Sebastián Piñera was to decree a state of emergency, and a curfew in many municipalities and to deploy military forces into some of the streets.
Protesters increased and were expanded to other regions of the country.
There were serious allegations regarding excessive use of force by police forces and possible arbitrary detentions committed by them, which requires proper and effective investigation and, where the evidence warrants, prosecution according to international standards.
While most of the protests have been peaceful, some protesters have committed violent acts. This does not delegitimate the acts of all protesters, but it is necessary that any such violence be condemned.
After more than 13 days of continuous protests, the government has not been able to section the conditions to fulfil a political and social pact that includes other political forces, and the opposition has also not been flexible enough to bring positions closer.
Also, civil society has been lacking in proposal to address the crisis.
There has to be a political solution to address the social grievances that underlie the protests. Chilean politicians need to truly acknowledge this social discontent and they need to rise to the challenge despite their political differences.
They need to converge towards a social and political arrangement that answers, urgently, the social demands regarding equity, justice, solidarity and trustworthy institutions.
Furthermore, Chilean politicians and public institutions must ensure and guarantee economic and social rights of the population, by adopting the legal reforms needed to that end and by providing public policies that allow the country to overcome inequity.
