COVID-19 et détention provisoire en France: fin d’une situation contraire à la protection des droits de l’Homme

COVID-19 et détention provisoire en France: fin d’une situation contraire à la protection des droits de l’Homme

Un article de Martine Comte, Commissaire française de la CIJ. (Avec une mise à jour)

En raison de la crise sanitaire, la loi française n° 2020-290 du 23 mars 2020 habilitait le gouvernement à adapter notamment, par ordonnance, diverses règles de procédure pénale, compte tenu des circonstances.

C’est ainsi que l’article 16 de l’ordonnance n° 2020-303 du 25 mars 2020 prorogeait de plein droit les délais maximums de détention provisoire d’une durée allant de 2, 3 ou 6 mois selon la peine encourue.

L’interprétation de ce texte donnée par le Ministère de la Justice aboutissait à priver les détenus de tout examen contradictoire par un juge de cette prolongation, avec l’assistance d’un avocat, et allongeait automatiquement la durée maximale de détention provisoire possible, et ce, malgré différents recours, tous  rejetés par  le Conseil d’État.

Cette situation, contraire à la convention européenne des droits de l’Homme, au pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et à la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’Homme, ne cessait d’être dénoncée par différents juristes, qu’ils soient magistrats, avocats ou professeurs de droit, et bien sûr, par les défenseurs des droits de l’Homme .

Elle avait donné lieu à un précédent article sur ce site.

C’est dans ces conditions que le Parlement a adopté, le 11 mai 2020, la loi n° 2020-546 prorogeant l’état d’urgence sanitaire et complétant ses dispositions, publiée le 12 mai 2020, après décision du conseil constitutionnel n° 2020-800 DC du 11 mai 2020 .

Cette loi  modifie notamment l’article 16 précité  de l’ordonnance n° 2020-303 du 25 mars 2020 et crée un article 16-1 qui met fin, à partir du 11 mai, à la prolongation de plein droit des titres de détention provisoire qui arrivent à échéance, le débat contradictoire devant un juge avec l’assistance d’un avocat redevenant la règle.

Par ailleurs, la prolongation de plein droit du délai de détention intervenue au cours de l’instruction avant le 11 mai 2020, en vertu  de l’article 16  précité, n’a pas pour effet d’allonger la durée maximale totale de la détention en application des dispositions de code de procédure pénale, sauf si cette prolongation a porté sur la dernière échéance possible .

Enfin, pour tenir compte des prolongations intervenues avant le 11 mai, ou pour les détentions venant à échéance entre le 11 mai et le 11 juin, des dispositions particulières prévoient l’obligation d’une audience contradictoire devant le juge selon des modalités précises et dans des délais contraints .

Si l’on peut se réjouir que le Parlement ait mis fin à une situation portant atteinte de façon considérable aux droits et libertés fondamentales, il n’en reste pas moins que les juridictions vont devoir appliquer, dans des conditions particulièrement difficiles, des dispositions complexes, et  statuer, dans des délais brefs, sur des prolongations de détention intervenues sans aucun contrôle et sans débat ou venant prochainement à échéance.

Il eût finalement été plus simple de respecter dès le départ les garanties fondamentales découlant de la présomption d’innocence et soumettant la privation de liberté avant procès au contrôle d’un juge indépendant, dans le cadre d’un débat contradictoire, avec l’assistance d’un avocat.

Il faut enfin noter que ce texte intervient quelques jours avant que la cour de cassation ne statue sur différents recours portant sur ce point et que sa décision constituera une référence pour savoir comment concilier, dans un contexte tout à fait exceptionnel,  les droits humans et les libertés fondamentales avec les impératifs de continuité du fonctionnement des institutions.

Note et mise à jour de la CIJ:  Le 26 mai, la cour de cassation a rendu deux arrêts levant les incertitudes sur la mise en oeuvre de l’article 16 de l’Ordonnance n°202-303 du 25 mars 2020 prévoyant la prolongation de plein droit des détentions provisoires. Voir le communiqué et le jugement ci-dessous:

Communiqué

Arrêt détention

 

 

China (Hong Kong): NPC’s proposal to enact new national security legislation should be withdrawn

China (Hong Kong): NPC’s proposal to enact new national security legislation should be withdrawn

The ICJ today expressed its grave concern over the National People’s Congress (NPC)’s draft Decision on establishing and improving the legal system and enforcement mechanisms for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) to safeguard national security (“the Decision“).

The ICJ called upon the NPC to withdraw the Decision and to protect human rights, including freedom of expression and association, in accordance with its international human rights obligations and its longstanding commitment to respect the right to political participation of the people of Hong Kong.

The call comes after the NPC presented a decision at the third annual session of the 13th NPC on 22 May, 2020 which paves the way for legislation that would, “prevent, stop and punish any act occurring in the HKSAR to split the country, subvert state power, organize and carry out terrorist activities and other behaviours that seriously endanger national security as well as activities of foreign and external forces to interfere in the affairs of the HKSAR” and would allow the central government to set up “security organs” in the territory.

The ICJ stressed that while the precise contents of the proposed National Security Law have not been publicized, the language of the Draft Decision is troubling given how categories of “terrorist activities” and “subversion” have been abused in the past.

“There is a well-substantiated fear that the new security law will be used to suppress freedom of expression and curtail the activities of human rights defender in violation of the rights of the people of Hong Kong guaranteed under its Basic Law and international human rights standards,” said Frederick Rawski, Asia & the Pacific Director of the ICJ. “We have already witnessed, many times over, how other deeply flawed laws like the Public Order Ordinance, have been abused to criminally charge peaceful protesters.”

It is expected that the NPC’s Decision will be added to Annex III of the Basic Law. Under the Article 18 of the Basic Law, Chinese national legislation only has effect in Hong Kong if it is listed in Annex III of the Basic Law and related to defence, foreign affairs or other matters outside the limits of the HKSAR’s autonomy. Once added to Annex III, the law can be promulgated by the Hong Kong Chief Executive by issuing a legal notice in the Government Gazette.

In 2003, the HKSAR government attempted and failed to enact a similar national security bill, after an estimated half a million people took to the streets to oppose the legislation.

“It is especially alarming that the central government has decided to take such a top-down, and anti-democratic approach to imposing this law by bypassing Hong Kong’s Legislative Council.  There are no winners from such an approach, which will provoke a massive public response and a return to the unlawful use of force by the police,” said Rawski.

The ICJ stressed that legislation that seeks to address genuine national security concerns must comply with rights protections in the Basic Law, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which is applicable to Hong Kong, and other international human rights standards and should be subject to genuine public consultation and debate.

The NPC is expected to vote on the resolution at the end of the annual session, likely on May 28, 2020. The NPC decision will delegate the Standing Committee to draft the actual details of the new legislation for Hong Kong, which would then be included in Annex III of Hong Kong’s Basic Law. The new law will be introduced in Hong Kong through either promulgation or local legislation.

Contact

Frederick Rawski, ICJ’s Asia Pacific Regional Director, t: +66 2 619 84 77; e: frederick.rawski(a)icj.org

Boram Jang, ICJ Legal Adviser, Asia & the Pacific Programme, e: boram.jang(a)icj.org

See also

Joint Statement: Hong Kong arrests of pro-democracy figures condemned by international legal community

China (Hong Kong): Authorities must protect right of peaceful assembly and end legal harassment of activists and journalists

China (Hong Kong): ensure police do not use excessive force against protesters

Myanmar: Government must do far more to comply with International Court Justice’s order on protection of Rohingya population

Myanmar: Government must do far more to comply with International Court Justice’s order on protection of Rohingya population

In order to comply substantially with the International Court of Justice’s provisional measures Order in the case of The Gambia v. Myanmar, Myanmar should carry out legal reforms and cooperate with international accountability processes, said the ICJ today.

The Gambia has accused Myanmar of violations of the 1948 Genocide Convention in respect of its treatment of Rohingya population, characterized by acts of widespread killing and displacement of the population.

The  call comes as Myanmar is scheduled to report on “all measures taken” to give effect to the provisional measures Order (Order) issued by the Court on 23 January 2020.

“Myanmar has not taken ‘all measures within its power’ to prevent acts of genocide until it implements comprehensive legal and constitutional reforms,” said Sam Zarifi, Secretary General of the International Commission of Jurists.  “Accountability lies at the heart of prevention, and so long as the Tatmadaw remains unaccountable to the civilian authorities the cycle of impunity for criminal atrocities within the country will continue.”

Since the Order, Myanmar has taken a limited number of steps linked to its compliance with the Order, including issuing three Presidential Directives encouraging anti-hate speech activities, and ordering compliance with the Genocide Convention and the preservation of evidence of human rights and related violations in Rakhine.

Myanmar has also asserted that the findings of the Government-commissioned Independent Commission of Inquiry (ICOE), which made selective admissions including that war crimes may have been committed during the 2017 “clearance operations” in Rakhine, have been transmitted to the Attorney General and the Commander-in-Chief of the Tatmadaw and that action would be taken “in conformity with military justice procedures if there is credible evidence of any commission of offence by members of the Tatmadaw.”

However, the Government has yet to amend or repeal key laws that facilitate discrimination against the Rohingya, including the 1982 Citizenship Law, 2015 Race and Religion Protection Laws and 2014 Myanmar National Human Rights Commission Law. On 6 May 2020, the International Commission of Jurists published a report on the killing of a journalist, Ko Par Gyi, in September 2014, which condemned the fundamentally flawed “military justice procedures” used to address allegations of serious human rights violations.  The report highlighted the many deficiencies in ensuring to accountability for serious human rights violations in Myanmar under its prevailing legal framework, including:

  • that several provisions of national laws facilitate impunity for serious human rights violations by soldiers against civilians, shield security forces from public criminal prosecutions and deny victims and their families of the right to truth about violations;
  • investigations into unlawful killings routinely lack the independence, impartiality and effectiveness necessary to establish the truth and to provide accountability and redress; and
  • the rights of victims and their families are rarely respected, including the right to access information concerning the violations and accountability processes, and the right to remedies and reparations.

The UN Human Rights Council has established an Independent Investigative Mechanism to look at allegations of genocide, crimes against humanity and other atrocities in Myanmar, but the government has failed to extend its cooperation with the mechanism.

“Myanmar’s inability to prevent serious human rights violations under the existing legal framework underscores the need for it to cooperate with international justice processes, including the UN’s Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar – and for the UN Security Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court,” added Zarifi.

Download the statement with detailed background information here.

Contact

Sam Zarifi, Secretary General of the International Commission of Jurists, t: +41 79 726 4415; e: sam.zarifi(a)icj.org

Kingsley Abbott, Coordinator of the ICJ’s Global Accountability Initiative, t: +66 94 470 1345; e: kingsley.abbott(a)icj.org

Related work

Report: Remove barriers to justice for killing of journalist Ko Par Gyi

Statement: Why law reform is urgent and possible

Statement: Implement International Court of Justice provisional measures Order without delay

Briefing Paper: Four immediate reforms to strengthen the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission

Briefing Paper: Myanmar’s discriminatory citizenship laws can and must be reformed

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