May 21, 2021 | News
The Myanmar military government must urgently reverse recent amendments to the Legal Aid Act that place impermissible restrictions on legal defense for detainees, particularly for those detained on criminal charges, and already vulnerable people such as stateless people, asylum seekers, and migrants, said the ICJ today.
The ICJ stressed that military regime was unlawfully assuming legislative powers it did not possess, in defiance of the core principle of separation of powers.
“The Myanmar military has usurped power illegally and now it is improperly changing the laws to make it even more difficult to get legal aid necessary to defend the rights of thousands of people facing arbitrary arrest and detention,” said Sam Zarifi, ICJ’s Secretary General.
In May 2021, the military regime made key amendments to the 2016 Legal Aid Law, formally entitled The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Law No. 10, 2016, The 9th Waning Day of Pyartho, 1377, M.E.
The new amendment removes legal aid services at least during pre-trial detention, a critical phase when detainees are particularly at risk of arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment and other forms of coercion and tampering with evidence.
The amendments to Section 2(b) prevent all persons from certain vulnerable groups from receiving legal aid, including but not limited to stateless persons, asylum seekers, foreigners, migrant workers.
“These amendments will prevent legal aid for precisely the people who need it most, those facing criminal charges and those from marginalized groups, at precisely the time they need it most, during the pretrial detention when their rights are most at risk,” Zarifi said.
All reference to international standards have been removed as per Section 3(b), thus leaving the terms unbound by normative requirements and restrictions and more vulnerable to be subjected to arbitrary decisions of the Government. The revocation of 3(e) means that the fair standards and procedures concerning how long victims can be arrested and kept in custody do not have to be adhered to.
“In the context of Myanmar, where those pro-bono lawyers and organizations representing detainees continue to face threats, intimidation, abduction and arrest warrants, the possibility of getting legal defense through the legal aid system is critically important to provide access to justice to those thousands of detainees to ensure their right to equality before the law, the right to legal counsel and the right to a fair trial,” Zarifi said.
The United Nations Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice System requires all States to guarantee the right to legal aid in their national legal systems, without discrimination on any grounds.
The latest amendments have removed all independence of the legal aid bodies, and instead given full control to the Supreme Court, supported by the Cabinet—both bodies dominated by the military.
“With a number of lawyers being arbitrarily detained in recent days, these new amendments are another threat tactic by the military, to ensure that those are arrested and detained do not get a fair trial,” Zarifi added.
Contact
Osama Motiwala, ICJ Asia-Pacific Communications Officer, t: +66-62-702-6369 e: osama.motiwala(a)icj.org
May 19, 2021 | News
The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) and the Libyan Women’s Platform for Peace (LWPP) on 19 May 2021 convened a webinar on ‘Advancing women’s human rights in the constitutional reform process in Libya’.
The webinar was moderated by Zahra’ Langhi, co-founder and director of LWPP, with speakers: Jaziah Shaitier, Professor at the Criminal Law Department, University of Benghazi; Ibtisam Bahih, member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly; Nahla Haidar, Vice-Chair of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and an ICJ Commissioner from Lebanon; and Azza Maghur, a Libyan lawyer.
In her opening remarks, Zahra’ Langhi stressed that advancing women’s rights in in the constitutional reform process should not be limited to the protections of women’s rights in the draft Constitution, which were any way inadequate, but also the effective the participation of women in the entire constitutional-making process
Jaziah Shaitier focused her remarks on the limitations the Constitution:
“I had hoped that the constitutional process that followed the Revolution would state clearly that any person born to a Libyan father or a Libyan mother would be Libyan.”
“Libya needs gender-inclusive constitutional provisions, and implementing laws that would protect women against all forms of violence”, Shaitier said.
Langhi pointed out that Libyan women who are married to non-Libyans cannot even access essential COVID-19 vaccines.
Nahla Haidar spoke of the importance of states to comply with their obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), a treaty to which Libya is a party:
“Sharia’s place within the Constitution should be made clear, otherwise there would be no need for a Constitution at all.”
Haidar also stressed the need to address problematic provisions in the Libyan Draft Constitution, including draft discriminatory provisions and provisions perpetuating stereotypes about the role of women and men in society and in the family. “Women may also choose not to start a family at all, and that should not have any bearing on the enjoyment of their rights.”
Azza Maghur highlighted the inadequate representation of women in the Libyan constitutional process:
“Libyans dreamed of a Constitution that is theirs, one that guarantees rights and liberties. The representation of women was not adequate.”
A member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly herself, Dr Ibtissam Bahih, highlighted how the process had failed Libyan women, and how the need for reform was as urgent as ever.
You can watch the full webinar here.
Contact:
Said Benarbia, Director, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, t: +41-22-979-3817; e: said.benarbia(a)icj.org
Asser Khattab, Research and Communications Officer, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, e: asser.khattab(a)icj.org
May 17, 2021 | News
LGBTI people in Indonesia, particularly trans women, face significant discrimination in access to Covid-19 vaccines as the country rolls out its vaccination programme in the face of a surge in the pandemic, the ICJ said today.
Indonesia is planning to start vaccinating the general population in July and an electronic identity card (e-KTP) is required to be vaccinated. However, most trans women do not have, or cannot obtain, an e-KTP and are thus unable to access the COVID-19 vaccines.
“As we mark the International Day against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia on 17 May, Indonesian authorities must ensure that LGBTI communities, trans women in particular, are not excluded from access to vaccines,” said Ruth Panjaitan, ICJ Legal Adviser for Indonesia.
To get an ID card, trans women need to present a Family Card, a document issued to the head of the family. However, many, trans women or waria have been kicked out of or fled their family homes without formal documents as a result of domestic violence. Between 50-60% of transwomen senior citizens reportedly do not have e-KTP, which makes it difficult for them to access government’s healthcare service, including COVID-19 vaccination.
“Most waria in Indonesia don’t even have an ID card let alone an e-KTP. The current system compounds the discrimination against trans women with the heightened risk of illness due to Covid-19. Indonesian authorities must urgently reform the e-KTP system to facilitate the legal status of people based on their own self-identified gender identity,” Ruth Panjaitan said.
Trans women who want to process their e-KTP in accordance with their gender identity have to first obtain an affirmation of their gender from a court, as the e-KTP does not recognize transgender. There is currently no definite and clear regulation for the legal gender change under Indonesia’s law or Supreme Court regulations, so the determination will depend on individual judges in each court’s jurisdiction. LGBTI activists have noted that in practice many judges apply arbitrary religious-based criteria to reject the petition to change gender. In most cases, the court that takes on the application still requires a doctor’s medical certificate that the petitioner has conducted gender reassignment surgery or other hormonal treatment as well other onerous document requirements, such as a psychiatric evaluation and witness information.
“These intrusive, arbitrary, prolonged and burdensome procedures make it even more difficult for trans women in Indonesia to get legal recognition of their gender identity, and lack of recognition of gender identity before the law blocks their access to health care,” Ruth Panjaitan said.
The Indonesian authorities have recently started their effort to reach out to transgender people in order for them to be registered in accordance with Law No.24 year 2013 and Law No.23 year 2006 regarding Civil Administration, which mentions that all Indonesian citizens have to be registered and that they have to have both ID and Family Card, so that they can get a good public service. However, the current system still falls short under international law to protect transgender people.
“Excluding and marginalizing trans women in the middle of a pandemic aggravates the longstanding discrimination they have faced from the Indonesian government, and it is also counterproductive to an effort to vaccinate as many people as possible to stop the spread of the disease,” Ruth Panjaitan said.
Additional information
Transgender people in Indonesia have a right to nondiscriminatory access to vaccines and overall rights to health, which is protected under Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) to which Indonesia is party. The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has affirmed that all healthcare goods, facilities, and services must be available, accessible, acceptable and of adequate quality, especially to the most vulnerable or marginalized sections of the population, in law and in fact, without discrimination of any of the prohibited grounds.
Under international human rights law and standards, a person’s declaration of their preferred gender identity for the purpose of obtaining gender recognition should not require validation by a medical expert, judge or any other third party. Requiring someone seeking legal recognition of their self-identified gender to undergo treatment is a breach of their right to protection against attacks on their dignity and physical and mental integrity, guaranteed under the ICESCR and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Indonesia is a party.
As affirmed by the Yogyakarta Principles, which address the human rights of LGBTI persons, gender identity is a private matter, concerning someone’s deeply felt individual conviction, which should not be subject to arbitrary third-party scrutiny. Legal gender recognition processes protecting the rights of transgender people must be conducted without medical requirements and it must be quick, transparent, and accessible, and effectively uphold the rights of transgender people, including their right to self-determination.
As of 10 May 2021, Indonesia has reported more than 5,000 new infections on average each day and 1,718,575 cumulative confirmed COVID-19 cases. The figure brought the country to the fourth position of countries with highest cases in Asia. The inoculation programme kicked off in mid-January for those deemed to be high priority, such as health workers, the police and military, and other public workers. The proportion of Indonesia’s total population that has received at least one dose of a vaccine as at 4 May 2021 was 4.64 per cent.
Contact
Ruth Panjaitan, Legal Adviser for Indonesia, e: ruthstephani.panjaitan(a)icj.org
Download
Press Release in Bahasa Indonesia.
May 12, 2021 | Editorial, Noticias
En esta columna de opinión, el Comisionado de la CIJ, Rodrigo Uprimny, presenta siete medidas para superar la grave crisis que atraviesa Colombia, y para que el Gobierno y los líderes políticos hagan esfuerzos por desescalar la violencia y, a su vez, escalar la protección de los derechos humanos.
Esta crisis actual es muy grave. En pocos días han muerto más de 30 personas, varias de ellas por balas de la policía. Hay además numerosos desaparecidos. Y ha habido actos de vandalismo criminal extremo, como el intento de incinerar en un CAI a varios agentes de la policía.
Además de grave, esta crisis es compleja pues resulta de una combinación de tensiones viejas y nuevas, que se han acumulado y explotaron con ocasión del proyecto de reforma tributaria. Pero a pesar de su complejidad y gravedad, que hacen que la crisis sea difícil de resolver, o tal vez precisamente por eso, es necesario tomar medidas para evitar que se agrave más.
El Gobierno y los líderes políticos y sociales deben hacer esfuerzos por desescalar la violencia, para lo cual es necesario escalar los derechos humanos, poniéndolos en el centro del manejo de la crisis. Propongo entonces siete medidas orientadas en esa dirección.
Primero, el presidente y en general todo el alto Gobierno deben condenar inequívocamente los abusos de la Fuerza Pública y señalar que esos actos no serán tolerados y serán investigados y sancionados. Infortunadamente esas declaraciones no han ocurrido.
Segundo, los promotores del paro y quienes compartimos la protesta debemos condenar no sólo los abusos policiales sino también los actos de violencia en las protestas.
Tercero, la Defensoría y la Procuraduría deben recordar que son instituciones independientes del Gobierno y que deben tomar en serio y cumplir su función constitucional de defender los derechos humanos y denunciar los abusos de las autoridades. Infortunadamente, a pesar del compromiso de sus funcionarios, las intervenciones de esos organismos han sido débiles por la cercanía de sus jefes con el Gobierno.
Cuarto, las autoridades deben detectar y sancionar a quienes en las protestas comenten actos vandálicos, especialmente contra otras personas, pero garantizando la protesta pacífica, sin estigmatizarla, y evitando cualquier exceso en el uso de la fuerza.
Por esa razón, quinto, el Gobierno y la Fuerza Pública deben cumplir estrictamente la sentencia de tutela de la Corte Suprema de septiembre 2020, que al amparar el derecho a la protesta pacífica ordenó a las autoridades que se abstuvieran de estigmatizar la protesta y que adoptaran protocolos para evitar excesos en el uso de la fuerza.
Pero esa sentencia no ha sido cumplida en estas protestas, por lo cual los peticionarios de esa tutela, que fue apoyada por varias organizaciones de derechos humanos, entre las cuales está Dejusticia, presentaron un incidente de desacato contra el Gobierno.
Sexto, la Fiscalía debe investigar todas las violencias ocurridas en estas protestas, incluidas las de la policía, pues si el delito es claramente contrario a la función constitucional de la Fuerza Pública, el caso debe ir a la justicia ordinaria, conforme a la jurisprudencia constitucional y al artículo 3 de la Ley 1407.
Séptimo, debemos buscar el apoyo de organismos internacionales de derechos humanos. Por eso, en vez de obstruir la labor de verificación de la Oficina en Colombia de la Alta Comisionada de Derechos Humanos de Naciones Unidas, como intentó hacer la viceministra de Relaciones Exteriores, el Gobierno debería facilitar la presencia de otras instancias internacionales, como la Comisión Interamericana, para que nos ayuden a enfrentar la crisis.
Esas medidas y otras del mismo carácter, que ponen los derechos humanos en el centro del manejo de la crisis, ayudarían a desescalar las violencias, lo cual facilitaría al mismo tiempo los necesarios diálogos en la búsqueda de acuerdos nacionales genuinos para enfrentar los problemas y las tensiones subyacentes que alimentaron estas protestas.
Notas:
El Comisionado Uprimny también es Investigador en Dejusticia y miembro del Comité de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales.
Esta columna se publicó por primera vez en El Espectador el 9 de mayo de 2021.
May 11, 2021 | News
The International Criminal Court (ICC) must immediately investigate the forced eviction of Palestinian families and residents in Sheikh Jarrah and other neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem, as well as any indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks against civilians in the Gaza Strip, the ICJ said today.
The investigation must establish whether any serious violation of international humanitarian law, such as indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks against civilians, the forced deportation of Palestinians and the transfer of Israeli settlers into occupied East Jerusalem, as well as the extensive destruction and appropriation of property, have taken place in Sheikh Jarrah and in Gaza. Following the opening of an investigation by the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, if warranted, Israeli officials should be prosecuted for such crimes to ensure accountability. As confirmed by the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I, the Court’s territorial jurisdiction “extends to the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, namely Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.”
Evictions against Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah were ordered by the Jerusalem District Court following legal proceedings initiated by Israeli settlers organizations under Israeli law. The Supreme Court was due to rule on 10 May 2021 on challenges against evictions brought by Palestinian families, yet, it decided to postpone the hearing at the request of Israel’s Attorney-General.
“Evictions in Sheikh Jarrah are part of a cynical campaign by the Israeli authorities to purge occupied East Jerusalem from its Palestinian civilian population,” said Said Benarbia, the ICJ MENA Director.
The ICC must also ensure accountability for unlawful attacks targeting civilians and civilian objects in connection to the hostilities between Israel and Palestinian armed groups in Gaza. Since 2007, Israel has imposed a full closure on Gaza, which has resulted in a major humanitarian crisis, and has led to significant escalation of hostilities in 2008-09, 2012 and 2014, where thousands of Palestinians have been killed and injured. On 10 May 2021, Hamas started firing rockets against Israel following a crackdown on Palestinian worshippers in the al Aqsa compound in Jerusalem. In response, Israel has carried out multiple airstrikes in Gaza, which have reportedly caused the death of at least 24 people, including nine children. All parties to the conflict are prohibited from conducting indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, which may amount to war crimes under the Rome Statute.
“The ICC must ensure that all those responsible for ordering and carrying out these attacks be held criminally accountable,” Benarbia added.
Since April 2021, Palestinians peacefully demonstrating against the evictions in Sheikh Jarrah, a decades-long legal battle, have been subjected to violence by Israeli settlers and Israeli security forces. Earlier this year, the Jerusalem District Court ordered that several Palestinian families be evicted from the neighborhood. According the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “at least 218 Palestinian households in East Jerusalem, including the families in Sheikh Jarrah, have eviction cases filed against them”, and overall “970 people, including 424 children, [are] at risk of displacement.”
As part of the Israeli crackdown on Palestinians, Israeli security forces have also been firing tear gas and employing other less-lethal weapons against people praying at the Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem purportedly in crowd-control operations. According to the Palestinian Red Crescent, more than 200 demonstrators have been injured as a result of the use of such less-lethal weapons.
Israeli forces have also been preventing gatherings of Palestinians at Damascus Gate in East Jerusalem during the night hours of the month of Ramadan when many Muslims gather for prayer and breaking of the fast at sunset, and have responded with excessive force to the ensuing demonstrations.
Israel has a duty to respect the right to peaceful assembly and freedom of religion of Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Israel’s use of excessive force against Palestinian demonstrators and the crackdown on Palestinian worshippers violate its obligations under international human rights law
“Israeli authorities must respect and ensure the right of Palestinians to protest and challenge decades of prolonged unlawful occupation and related abusive practices, and immediately end the use of disproportionate and unlawful force to disperse protesters”, Benarbia said.
Contact
Said Benarbia, Director, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, t: +41-22-979-3817; e: said.benarbia(a)icj.org
Asser Khattab, Research and Communications Officer, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, e: asser.khattab(a)icj.org
You can read this press release in Arabic here or download a PDF version of it in English here.
