Jun 12, 2020
The ICJ published today a briefing paper outlining measures affecting the court system and access to justice which have been introduced in response to COVID-19 in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.
In any emergency or crisis situation, judicial oversight of the exceptional measures taken by the State is essential to the rule of law and the protection of human rights.
As anti-COVID-19 pandemic measures have affected many spheres of functioning of the State and society, they have affected justice systems to the extent that their normal operation was interrupted, suspended or adjusted to the new circumstances.
While such measures may have been seen as necessary to effectively tackle the pandemic, the limited operation of the courts, as well as limitations on access to legal advice, have implications for access to justice and the right to a fair trial.
They also raise questions of the capacity of the judicial system to provide redress for possible violations of human rights related to the pandemic and the consequent emergency measures.
In this regard, States’ obligations under international human rights law, which continue to apply in times of crisis, must be central to their COVID-19 response.
In this briefing paper, the ICJ outlines measures affecting the court system and access to justice which have been introduced in response to COVID-19 in a number of countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and which by their nature touch upon legal obligations of States under international human rights law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and for member States of the Council of Europe, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
In particular, in this paper the ICJ considers access to the justice and the court systems in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. It considers the issue of the legislative framework governing the restrictive measures, as well as the problems of access to lawyers and courts in relation to the COVID-19 restrictions.
This briefing paper should be read in conjunction with the ICJ’s general briefing note on COVID-19 and the Courts, which explains relevant international laws and standards in more detail.
Download
CIS-Justice and coronavirus-Advocacy-Analysis brief-ENG-2020 (full briefing paper in PDF)
Jun 10, 2020
An Opinion Editorial by Carlos Lopez, Senior Legal Adviser at the ICJ in Geneva.
The decision by Facebook to allow a post by US President Donald Trump, which its peer social media platform Twitter decided to label as incitement to violence, has sparked controversy and pushed the debate about the role of social media in the moderation of content posted by their users to the forefront of the public agenda.
Confronted with growing instances of disinformation, “fake news” and hate speech, most social media platforms are moving from an initially neutral position, refusing to “arbitrate” on what is seen as the exercise of a right to free speech, to a more or less active stance which sometimes leads decisions to delete the contested content. What is the right balance for social media companies’ content moderation policies? What objective parameters should they use to define their policies? Is there a role for governments in this field? Should they regulate and, if so, in which direction? The treatment of such questions is central to strategies to protect human rights in the context of activities of social platforms.
The incident that triggered the present backlash is the latest in a string of other similar instances concerning high-ranking public officers in different parts of the world.
Donald Trump’s tweet, “when looting starts, shooting starts” in relation to social protests in the United States was widely regarded as a threat and potential incitement to violence and a much rebuked direct quote used by a Miami Police chief during civil rights protests in 1967.
Another tweet that also met with widespread disapproval was Trump’s threat to send the military to Minneapolis, the epicentre of widespread popular protests against the killing of African American citizen George Floyd by a police officer who knelt in his neck for nearly 10 minutes while Floyd was already overpowered and lying on the floor with difficulties to breath.
But Facebook and its CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s refusal to follow twitter’s example and label Trump tweets with a warning to the public about its dangerous nature has received also wide condemnation, even by ordinary and prominent Facebook employees.
In response to criticism, including from its own Facebook employees, Zuckerberg stood by his decision refusing to be the arbiter of truth. Where twitter took action to mask the potentially harmful message with a warning to the public and action to limit its spread by the use of algorithms that limit users interaction with it, Facebook decided to allow the post appear and to be shared without hindrance.
This unacceptable stance from an ethical point of view is also problematic in the light of international standards, including the UN Guiding Principles, on business’ human rights responsibilities that require companies to avoid contributing to harmful conduct by others.
It may also raise issues of legal liability for social media in circumstances where serious crimes are committed at the instigation or facilitation of content allowed to be published in the knowledge of its likely impact. Standing-by to facilitate content to be widely shared in full knowledge of its likely harmful impact, is unethical, not human rights compliant and in certain circumstances can lead to legal responsibility.
Refusing to take action when one is in a position to act and knows that inaction is likely to instigate crimes, may also trigger legal responsibility. Instead, companies should take reasonable diligence measures to prevent clearly harmful content to be published and disseminated in their platforms.
Although a few days later Zuckerberg, in an apparent change of tack, announced internal consideration of options regarding Facebook’s policies on content moderation, he did not promise any concrete change or a timeframe.
In tackling violence and harm to human rights, company policies and procedures matter. In recent years, social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and Youtube have revamped their policies on content moderation in response to growing concern by the general public.
Facebook has recently established an Oversight Board– a purportedly independent body to address in appeal disputed decisions on content moderation-, drafted its by-laws and appointed half of its membership. The ongoing health crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic is also serving as catalyser for action given the widespread circulation of harmful disinformation.
Facebook also reacted to incidents in which the platform was used by Buddhist extremists and military officials in Myanmar to incite hatred and violence against that country’s Muslim minority, the Rohingya, in 2017.
But most policies are still to be implemented and their effectiveness yet to be proved. Policies also widely differ from each other across the social media spectrum as dramatic events around the killing of George Floyd show.
But for companies to adopt and effectively implement sound policies and actions to respect human rights, internal leadership at the highest level is essential, especially for companies that are owned by one or a few individuals, as is the case of many of the major social media platforms. Here, there has been a serious failure that needs to be corrected for meaningful changes in policies and procedures to take place.
The spotlight on social media companies’ policies and actions and their leadership should not obscure the also crucial role that States have under international human rights law to take action to protect human rights.
With a few exceptions, States have also been failing in their duty to protect human rights in the context of activities by social media and other tech companies and have generally opted for abstention, fearful of impinging in the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
President Trump’s threats to regulate social media by exposing them to heightened risk of legal liability for the content they allow users to post, is not the best or more human rights-compatible way for State action.
Retaliation against social media – Twitter, in this case – for acting responsibly is also unacceptable. Instead, regulation that follows international standards on human rights, especially freedom of expression, opinion and to seek information, is possible and needed.
Some States have adopted punitive approaches that result in the restriction of freedoms and allow them increased control over social media. The ICJ report on practices across Asian countries are illustrations of the harmful nature of such regulation and why it should be changed.
These legal frameworks usually contain vague, and broadly defined legal provisions, severe and disproportionate penalties, lack of independent oversight mechanisms, and fail to provide effective remedy or accountability for cases of abuse.
But regulation that delineates the responsibilities of all actors and their possible legal liabilities for misbehaviour based on guidance from international human rights law is possible and could also be effective in tackling disinformation and various forms of “fake news”.
Both the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child and the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, have said that the respective treaties require States to ensure business under their jurisdiction adopt policies to respect human rights and adopt processes of due diligence and remediation to avoid or mitigate risks of human rights violations.
Clearly, neither social media nor their CEOs can be left to their own devices. States need urgently to take action in compliance with their international obligations in this respect.
Jun 9, 2020 | News
As of 9 June, at least ten prominent lawyers have been arrested and criminally charged in Zimbabwe.
Among them, Advocate Thabani Mpofu (photo), Advocate Choice Damiso, Mr Tapiwa Makanza and Mr Joshua Chirambwe have been arrested and charged with the crime of defeating or obstructing the course of justice.
These lawyers are alleged to have falsified information in the papers filed in a legal matter in which they were representing a citizen, who was challenging the legality of President Mnangagwa’s decision to appoint Mr Kumbirai Hodzi as the Prosecutor General.
Mr Dumisani Dube was arrested on similar charges but his charges arise from a different case.
Mr Patrick Tererai was charged with disorderly conduct after he demanded access to his client who had been detained at a police station.
The ICJ notes that the criminal charges laid against all the six lawyers are linked to the performance of their duties as legal practitioners.
The ICJ reminds the Government of Zimbabwe of its domestic and international obligations pertaining to the right to fair trial and protection of the independence of lawyers, as underscored in the United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Fair Trial and Legal Assistance in Africa
These elaborate standards relevant to the right to a fair trial including under article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
Of particular significance is Principle 16 of the UN Basic Principles which states that “Governments shall ensure that lawyers are able to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference;…. and [lawyers] shall not suffer, or be threatened with, prosecution or administrative, economic or other sanctions for any action taken in accordance with recognized professional duties, standards and ethics.”
In addition, Principle 20 provides that “Lawyers shall enjoy civil and penal immunity for relevant statements made in good faith in written or oral pleadings or in their professional appearances before a court, tribunal or other legal or administrative authority.” Similar provisions are included in Part I of the African Principles and Guidelines.
A lawyer would not generally be immune from criminal proceedings where allegations of perjury or intentionally providing false information to a court were well-founded.
In relation to this recent group of cases, the Law Society of Zimbabwe has expressed the concern that the arrests appear calculated to hinder the members of the profession from undertaking their professional duties.
In this context, the ICJ calls upon the Government of Zimbabwe to ensure that the right to fair trial for these lawyers is fully respected and that the criminal charges brought against these lawyers are not abused to subvert the independence of the legal profession.
“The arrest of ten lawyers within one week on criminal allegations arising from the performance of their duties as legal practitioners is a cause of concern. The state must ensure that these cases are handled fairly and that the criminal justice system is not abused to harass and intimidate lawyers who represent clients who are perceived as political opposition to the sitting government,” said ICJ Africa Director Arnold Tsunga.
Of late, Advocate Thabani Mpofu has represented opposition leader Mr Nelson Chamisa in a series of cases. These include the presidential election petition and the cases in which Mr Chamisa’s rise to the leadership of the opposition party has been challenged.
Contact
Arnold Tsunga, Director of the ICJ Africa Regional Programme, t: +263 77 728 3248, e: arnold.tsunga(a)icj.org
Jun 8, 2020
Tunisian authorities must protect the rights of the judiciary, the accused and other proceeding participants as judicial proceedings resume following COVID-19 lockdown, says the ICJ and Association des Magistrats Tunisiens in a briefing paper published today.
From 17 March 2020, the Tunisian President and executive authorities instituted exceptional measures to prevent and contain the spread of COVID-19, which included the suspension of judicial proceedings except for urgent matters, as well as work on all categories of cases by the prosecution, investigating judges and indictment chambers.
Subject to the Prime Minister’s national strategy, adopted on 2 May 2020, and a subsequent decision by the Minister of Justice, judicial proceedings are set to resume in full on 15 June 2020.
Prior to the adoption of a national strategy, the Prime Minister amended the Code of Criminal Procedure by Decree No. 2020-12 to permit remote hearings generally where the accused consents and, in situations of imminent danger or to prevent the contagion of a transmittable disease, irrespective of whether they consent.
Such developments raise concerns with respect to the modalities of proceedings and protection of all participants’ rights under international human rights law.
As Tunisia gradually lifts COVID-19 containment measures and judicial proceedings resume, Tunisian authorities must ensure that sufficient guarantees are put in place to protect the accused’s rights to liberty and a fair trial, victims’ right to an effective remedy and the judiciary and other proceeding participants’ rights to life, health and a safe and healthy working environment.
The briefing paper addresses these issues, submitting that:
- Tunisian authorities must adopt protective measures to ensure the rights to life, health and a safe and healthy working environment for all proceeding participants;
- Tunisian authorities should ensure remote hearings only occur where compliant with international law and standards governing criminal trials;
- Courts should remain available for urgent matters pending the adoption of protective measures; and
- Adjustments to the modalities of conducting trials should ensure the rights of the accused and victims are respected in Specialized Criminal Chambers’ proceedings.
Contact:
Kate Vigneswaran, Senior Legal Adviser, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, t+31624894664 ; e: kate.vigneswaran(a)icj.org;
Anas Hmedi, President, Association des Magistrats Tunisiens: t +21698242625 ; e: anashmedi(a)gmail.com
Tunisia- judicial proceedings pandemic-Advocacy-briefing paper-2020-ENG (full briefing paper in PDF)
Tunisia- judicial proceedings pandemic-Advocacy-briefing paper-2020-ARA (full briefing paper, Arabic version, in PDF)
Jun 5, 2020 | News
The ICJ today condemned the proclamation by the Sri Lankan president to establish a Presidential Task Force dominated by the security forces and called for the proclamation to be rescinded.
On June 2, 2020, Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa issued an extraordinary gazette establishing a 13-member “Presidential Task Force to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society.” The Task Force is composed entirely of military, intelligence and police officials. It is to be headed by Defence Secretary, Retired Major General Kamal Gunaratne.
“This Presidential Task Force constitutes another act of over-reach by a government seeking to take advantage of the COVID-19 pandemic to further expand its powers,” said Frederick Rawski, ICJ’s Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific. “Its mandate is overbroad, and it empowers its military and police membership – including alleged war criminals – at a time when strong, independent, civilian-led policy-making is what is needed.”
The Task Force is given a sweeping mandate which includes:
- “taking necessary immediate steps to curb the illegal activities of social groups which are violating the law”
- “taking measures for prevention of the drug menace…”
- “taking legal action against persons responsible for illegal and antisocial activities conducted in Sri Lanka while locating in other countries”
- “investigating and preventing any illegal and antisocial activities in and around prisons.”
The task force also has the power to “conduct investigations and to issue directions as may be necessary in connection with the functions entrusted to it.” This includes issuing instructions to government officials to comply with its directives or be reported to the President.
The ICJ raised concerns that the task force has not been established on proper legal foundations. It is apparently pursuant to the broad, but ill-defined presidential powers under Article 33 of the Constitution.
The ICJ said that the task force could effectively usurp the powers and functions normally reserved for civilian authorities, under rule of law principles and as established by the Constitution and relevant enabling legislations.
Article 42 (1) of the Constitution provides that the “Cabinet of Ministers shall be charged with the direction and control of the Government.” Law enforcement and public officials under the direction of the relevant Minister have been designated under existing laws to specifically address drug-related offences and any other illegal and/ or criminal activity that seemingly fall within the mandate of this Task Force. The independence of public officials will be compromised if they are compelled to report to a military-dominated body. The Gazette provides no detail on how this reporting process would operate, or the legal consequences of refusing to act as instructed.
“Few doubt that this task force will be used as another tool to suppress speech and target critics of the Sri Lankan government. It is disturbing that such a potentially consequential body has been formed pursuant to broad presidential powers, with no reference to judicial or parliamentary oversight,” said Rawski. “Vague and overbroad language such as ‘anti-social activities’ could effectively criminalize expression protected under international law. Such provisions are inconsistent with the rule of law and contravene the principle of legality.”
The task force’s military and police membership follows a pattern of recent military appointments to civil administrative positions by the incumbent President. The military personnel appointed include officials credibly accused of war crimes. Chairman Major General Kamal Gunaratne was the commander of the 53rd division and Major General Shavendra Silva was the commander of the 58th Division of the Sri Lankan Army. Both units were identified by multiple UN investigatory bodies as having been involved in the commission of serious crimes and human rights violations during the last stages of Sri Lanka’s decades-long armed conflict which ended in 2009.
The ICJ called upon President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to rescind the extraordinary gazette establishing the Presidential Task Force. The role of the military in public life must be strictly circumscribed and matters pertaining to civil administrcation should be executed by elected and public officials in respect of the rule of law and principles of democratic governance.
Contact
Frederick Rawski, ICJ’s Asia Pacific Regional Director, t: +66 2 619 84 77; e: frederick.rawski(a)icj.org