Animación sobre el impacto del COVID-19 en los derechos de las mujeres 

Animación sobre el impacto del COVID-19 en los derechos de las mujeres 

Como parte de las actividades que la CIJ adelanta en relación con la crisis generada por el COVID-19, se encuentra el monitoreo sobre la protección y garantía de los derechos de las mujeres. Al respecto, informes de todas partes del mundo indican un aumento en los casos de violencia domestica y nuevos problemas para acceder a la justicia.

En consideración a ello, los equipos de la CIJ en África y en Asia trabajaron juntos para realizar una animación sobre el impacto que las medidas de aislamiento y similares han tenido en los derechos de las mujeres.

La animación también ofrece sugerencias a los Estados sobre las medidas que se pueden adoptar para proteger los derechos de las mujeres. En particular, se llama la atención a los Estados sobre la importancia de adoptar un enfoque de género en sus políticas.

La animación fue lanzada en inglés durante un webinar, el 26 de mayo de 2020. Durante el webinar, mujeres defensoras de derechos humanos de Asia, África y el Medio Oriente discutieron sobre el impacto que las medidas impuestas para contener el avance del virus han tenido en los derechos de las mujeres.

Contacto: 

Shaazia Ebrahim, Oficial de comunicaciones  (CIJ Africa), Correo electrónico: shaazia.ebrahim(a)icj.org

Libya: continuing atrocities must compel States to establish an International Investigative mechanism at the UN Human Rights Council

Libya: continuing atrocities must compel States to establish an International Investigative mechanism at the UN Human Rights Council

Member States convening today for the resumption of the 43rd session of the UN Human Rights Council should support the establishment of an international investigative mechanism to document and preserve evidence of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) committed in Libya, said the ICJ and Lawyers for Justice in Libya.

The escalation in armed conflict in recent months and ongoing impunity for an increasing number of violations and abuses being committed in Libya lend particular urgency to the establishment of a mechanism for a period of at least one year to investigate all gross human rights violations and abuses and serious violations of IHL, with a view to preserving evidence and holding perpetrators accountable.

“Horrific reports documenting the discovery of mass graves are the latest addition to a long line of well-established atrocities perpetrated across Libya,” said Kate Vigneswaran, Senior Legal Adviser at the ICJ’s Middle East and North Africa Programme. “Impunity for these crimes has proven only to prompt further violence and prolong the conflict.”

On 11 June 2020, the United National Support Mission to Libya reported the discovery of at least eight mass graves, located predominantly in Tarhuna,  a town located southeast of Tripoli.

Though exhumations have only just commenced, initial reports by the Government of National Accord (GNA) indicate that they could contain hundreds of bodies, including of women and children.

Reports further indicate that the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), and their foreign allies, have laid anti-personnel landmines and other booby-traps in buildings as they withdrew from Tripoli, leading to causalities including among civilians returning to their homes after long periods of displacement.

Reports of incidents involving “retributive crimes”, including the parading of corpses and looting of perceived opponents’ houses and public property, by GNA-affiliated armed groups have also surfaced.

“The systematic and ubiquitous nature of these violations reinforces the need for States to urgently push for mechanisms designed to address accountability and fight prevailing impunity. The establishment of an international investigative mechanism would not only pave the way towards obtaining justice for the victims and preserving evidence necessary for doing so, but also send a strong and unequivocal message that those who commit crimes will be held accountable,” said Marwa Mohamed, Head of Advocacy and Outreach at Lawyers for Justice in Libya.

An international investigative mechanism would bolster accountability efforts in the country, which have, thus far, been impeded by cycles of violence, weak and ineffective law enforcement agencies, the arbitrary exercise of policing and detention powers by armed groups and an inadequate legal framework for holding perpetrators of crimes under international law accountable.

States will vote on the resolution on Libya (UN Doc A/HRC/43/L.40) following the interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Report on Libya on 18 June 2020.

The 43rd session of the Human Rights Council commenced in February 2020, but was suspended due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Contact

Kate Vigneswaran, Senior Legal Adviser, ICJ Middle East and North Africa Programme, t: +31624894664 ; e: kate.vigneswaran(a)icj.org;

Background

A variety of armed groups have been engaged in recurrent waves of armed conflict since the 2011 uprising. These include the forces of the GNA, established in 2016, which is the internationally recognized State governing authority and is supported by armed groups acting either under their control or in alignment or alliance with it, and the LAAF, which is headed by Khalifa Haftar, who was endorsed by the House of Representatives after launching his military campaign in 2014, and is composed of a mixture of military units and armed groups.

The GNA generally has control over territory in the west, and the LAAF exercises a significant degree of control over territories in the east and parts of the south. In April 2019, the LAAF marched on Tripoli gaining further territorial control in parts of the west, but such gains have been reduced over recent weeks following the escalation in hostilities with the GNA and the LAAF’s consequent retreat.

Reports by UNSMIL and other international bodies and non-government organizations document the gross human rights violations and abuses and serious violations of IHL being committed by all parties to the conflicts in Libya. These include unlawful killings resulting from direct, indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks against persons not engaged in hostilities; attacks on civilian objects including medical facilities and equipment; torture and ill-treatment, including acts of sexual violence and the crime of rape; arbitrary arrests and detention; forced displacement; enforced disappearances; and extrajudicial killings. These violations and abuses have led to mass internal displacement, including of over 200,000 people since April 2019 from Tripoli and its outskirts.

Libya-Atrocities need investigation-News-2020-ARA (story in Arabic, PDF)

Аналитическая записка МКЮ о влиянии мер по борьбе с пандемией COVID-19 на доступ к правосудию в странах СНГ

Аналитическая записка МКЮ о влиянии мер по борьбе с пандемией COVID-19 на доступ к правосудию в странах СНГ

Международная комиссия юристов (МКЮ) опубликовала сегодня аналитическую записку с изложением мер, затрагивающих судебную систему и доступ к правосудию, которые были введены в ответ на COVID-19 в Азербайджане, Казахстане, Кыргызстане, России, Украине и Узбекистане.

В любой чрезвычайной или кризисной ситуации судебный надзор за применением исключительных мер, принятых государством, имеет большое значение с точки зрения верховенства закона и защиты прав человека.

Поскольку меры по борьбе с пандемией COVID-19 затронули многие сферы функционирования государства и общества, они повлияли и на системы правосудия, нормальное функционирование которых было прервано, приостановлено или адаптировано к новым обстоятельствам.

Хотя такие меры могли считаться необходимыми для эффективного противодействия пандемии, ограниченное функционирование судов, а также ограничение доступа к юридической помощи повлияли на доступ к правосудию и право на справедливое судебное разбирательство.

Они также ставят вопрос о способности судебной системы обеспечить восстановление прав в случаях возможных нарушений прав человека, связанных с пандемией и последующими чрезвычайными мерами.

В этой связи обязательства государств по международному праву в области прав человека, которые продолжают применяться и в период кризиса, должны находиться в центре внимания при принятии ответных мер на COVID-19.

В этой аналитической записке МКЮ кратко рассмотрит меры, затрагивающие судебную систему и доступ к правосудию, которые были введены в ответ на COVID-19 в ряде стран Содружества Независимых Государств (СНГ) и по своей природе влияют на правовые обязательства государств по международному праву в области прав человека, включая Международный пакт о гражданских и политических правах (МПГПП), Международный пакт об экономических, социальных и культурных правах (МПЭСКП), а также, в случае государств-членов Совета Европы, Европейскую конвенцию о правах человека (ЕКПЧ).

В частности, в этой записке МКЮ исследует доступ к правосудию и судебной системе в Азербайджане, Казахстане, Кыргызстане, России, Украине и Узбекистане.

В ней рассматривается вопрос о нормативно-правовой базе, регулирующей профилактические меры, а также проблемы доступа к адвокатам и судам в связи с ограничениями по COVID-19.

Настоящая аналитическая записка подлежит прочтению в свете общей информационной записки МКЮ по COVID-19 и судам, в которой более подробно рассматриваются соответствующие международные договоры и стандарты.

CIS-Justice and coronavirus-Advocacy-Analysis brief-RUS-2020

ICJ briefing paper on the impact of anti-COVID-19 pandemic measures on access to justice in CIS countries

ICJ briefing paper on the impact of anti-COVID-19 pandemic measures on access to justice in CIS countries

The ICJ published today a briefing paper outlining measures affecting the court system and access to justice which have been introduced in response to COVID-19 in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.

In any emergency or crisis situation, judicial oversight of the exceptional measures taken by the State is essential to the rule of law and the protection of human rights.

As anti-COVID-19 pandemic measures have affected many spheres of functioning of the State and society, they have affected justice systems to the extent that their normal operation was interrupted, suspended or adjusted to the new circumstances.

While such measures may have been seen as necessary to effectively tackle the pandemic, the limited operation of the courts, as well as limitations on access to legal advice, have implications for access to justice and the right to a fair trial.

They also raise questions of the capacity of the judicial system to provide redress for possible violations of human rights related to the pandemic and the consequent emergency measures.

In this regard, States’ obligations under international human rights law, which continue to apply in times of crisis, must be central to their COVID-19 response.

In this briefing paper, the ICJ outlines measures affecting the court system and access to justice which have been introduced in response to COVID-19 in a number of countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and which by their nature touch upon legal obligations of States under international human rights law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and for member States of the Council of Europe, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

In particular, in this paper the ICJ considers access to the justice and the court systems in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. It considers the issue of the legislative framework governing the restrictive measures, as well as the problems of access to lawyers and courts in relation to the COVID-19 restrictions.

This briefing paper should be read in conjunction with the ICJ’s general briefing note on COVID-19 and the Courts, which explains relevant international laws and standards in more detail.

Download

CIS-Justice and coronavirus-Advocacy-Analysis brief-ENG-2020 (full briefing paper in PDF)

Facebook, Twitter and social media in times of COVID 19 and #BlackLivesMatter

Facebook, Twitter and social media in times of COVID 19 and #BlackLivesMatter

An Opinion Editorial by Carlos Lopez, Senior Legal Adviser at the ICJ in Geneva.

The decision by Facebook to allow a post by US President Donald Trump, which its peer social media platform Twitter decided to label as incitement to violence, has sparked controversy and pushed the debate about the role of social media in the moderation of content posted by their users to the forefront of the public agenda.

Confronted with growing instances of disinformation, “fake news” and hate speech, most social media platforms are moving from an initially neutral position, refusing to “arbitrate” on what is seen as the exercise of a right to free speech, to a more or less active stance which sometimes leads decisions to delete the contested content. What is the right balance for social media companies’ content moderation policies? What objective parameters should they use to define their policies?  Is there a role for governments in this field? Should they regulate and, if so, in which direction? The treatment of such questions is central to strategies to protect human rights in the context of activities of social platforms.

The incident that triggered the present backlash is the latest in a string of other similar instances concerning high-ranking public officers in different parts of the world.

Donald Trump’s tweet, “when looting starts, shooting starts” in relation to social protests in the United States was widely regarded as a threat and potential incitement to violence and a much rebuked direct quote used by a Miami Police chief during civil rights protests in 1967.

Another tweet that also met with widespread disapproval was Trump’s threat to send the military to Minneapolis, the epicentre of widespread popular protests against the killing of African American citizen George Floyd by  a police officer who knelt in his neck for nearly 10 minutes while Floyd was already overpowered and lying on the floor with difficulties to breath.

But Facebook and its CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s refusal to follow twitter’s example and label Trump tweets with a warning to the public about its dangerous nature has received also wide condemnation, even by ordinary and prominent Facebook employees.

In response to criticism, including from its own Facebook employees, Zuckerberg stood by his decision refusing to be the arbiter of truth. Where twitter took action to mask the potentially harmful message with a warning to the public and action to limit its spread by the use of algorithms that limit users interaction with it, Facebook decided to allow the post appear and to be shared without hindrance.

This unacceptable stance from an ethical point of view is also problematic in the light of international standards, including the UN Guiding Principles, on business’ human rights responsibilities that require companies to avoid contributing to harmful conduct by others.

It may also raise issues of legal liability for social media in circumstances where serious crimes are committed at the instigation or facilitation of content allowed to be published in the knowledge of its likely impact. Standing-by to facilitate content to be widely shared in full knowledge of its likely harmful impact, is unethical, not human rights compliant and in certain circumstances can lead to legal responsibility.

Refusing to take action when one is in a position to act and knows that inaction is likely to instigate crimes, may also trigger legal responsibility.  Instead, companies should take reasonable diligence measures to prevent clearly harmful content to be published and disseminated in their platforms.

Although a few days later Zuckerberg, in an apparent change of tack, announced internal consideration of options regarding Facebook’s policies on content moderation, he did not promise any concrete change or a timeframe.

In tackling violence and harm to human rights, company policies and procedures matter. In recent years, social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and Youtube have revamped their policies on content moderation in response to growing concern by the general public.

Facebook has recently established an Oversight Board– a purportedly independent body to address in appeal disputed decisions on content moderation-, drafted its by-laws and appointed half of its membership. The ongoing health crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic is also serving as catalyser for action given the widespread circulation of harmful disinformation.

Facebook also reacted to incidents in which the platform was used by Buddhist extremists and military officials in Myanmar to incite hatred and violence against that country’s Muslim minority, the Rohingya, in 2017.

But most policies are still to be implemented and their effectiveness yet to be proved. Policies also widely differ from each other across the social media spectrum as dramatic events around the killing of George Floyd show.

But for companies to adopt and effectively implement sound policies and actions to respect human rights, internal leadership at the highest level is essential, especially for companies that are owned by one or a few individuals, as is the case of many of the major social media platforms. Here, there has been a serious failure that needs to be corrected for meaningful changes in policies and procedures to take place.

The spotlight on social media companies’ policies and actions and their leadership should not obscure the also crucial role that States have under international human rights law to take action to protect human rights.

With a few exceptions, States have also been failing in their duty to protect human rights in the context of activities by social media and other tech companies and have generally opted for abstention, fearful of impinging in the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

President Trump’s threats to regulate social media by exposing them to heightened risk of legal liability for the content they allow users to post, is not the best or more human rights-compatible way for State action.

Retaliation against social media – Twitter, in this case – for acting responsibly is also unacceptable. Instead, regulation that follows international standards on human rights, especially freedom of expression, opinion and to seek information, is possible and needed.

Some States have adopted punitive approaches that result in the restriction of freedoms and allow them increased control over social media. The ICJ report on practices across Asian countries are illustrations of the harmful nature of such regulation and why it should be changed.

These legal frameworks usually contain vague, and broadly defined legal provisions, severe and disproportionate penalties, lack of independent oversight mechanisms, and fail to provide effective remedy or accountability for cases of abuse.

But regulation that delineates the responsibilities of all actors and their possible legal liabilities for misbehaviour based on guidance from international human rights law is possible and could also be effective in tackling disinformation and various forms of “fake news”.

Both the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child and the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, have said that the respective treaties require States to ensure business under their jurisdiction adopt policies to respect human rights and adopt processes of due diligence and remediation to avoid or mitigate risks of human rights violations.

Clearly, neither social media nor their CEOs can be left to their own devices. States need urgently to take action in compliance with their international obligations in this respect.

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