Dec 1, 2023
An opinion piece by Yogi Bratajaya, ICJ Legal Consultant and Daron Tan, ICJ Associate International Legal Adviser, Asia and the Pacific Programme, published on The Jakarta Post on 27 November 2023.
Over the past two decades, state authorities have tightened their grip on online freedom of expression in the country by enacting and applying overbroad laws purportedly aimed at legitimate objectives such as combating disinformation, but with the effect of arbitrarily censoring expression and targeting journalists and human rights defenders.
Among these are criminal provisions against intentional dissemination of harmful “false information”, i.e. disinformation. One such provision is Article 14(1) of Law No. 1/1946 on criminal law regulations, which criminalizes the act of “intentionally broadcasting false news or statements that incite chaos in society”, which may result in 10 years’ imprisonment.
Civil society organizations have rightly pointed out that the 1946 law and other disinformation laws inherited from the colonial justice system should not be applied in current times. In July 2023, a petition was filed with the Constitutional Court by several human rights organizations claiming that the disinformation provisions in Law No. 1/1946 contravene the state’s obligation to protect the right to freedom of expression and information.
Disinformation laws have frequently been enforced to restrict freedom of expression. Muhammad Asrul, a journalist, was charged in 2021 under Article 14(1) of Law No. 1/1946 for a piece detailing the alleged involvement of the son of the Palopo mayor in a corruption scandal. Human rights defenders Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti are standing trial on charges relating to the criminal disinformation provisions of the same law in relation to a YouTube video discussing allegations of a conflict of interest by the Coordinating Maritime and Investment Affairs Minister Luhut Pandjaitan.
As a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Indonesia is obliged to respect and ensure the right to freedom of expression and information, as guaranteed under Article 19 of the ICCPR. As affirmed by the United Nations Human Rights Committee, the monitoring body for the ICCPR, this right forms the “foundation” of a free society in ensuring the “transparency and accountability” crucial to the promotion and protection of many other rights.
Any restriction of this right must be based on a law that is precisely worded. Further, it must be necessary for and be the least restrictive measure to respond to a legitimate aim. The only aims identified as legitimate are ensuring respect for the rights or reputations of others; or for the protection of national security, public order, public health or morals.
The criminal disinformation provisions of Law No. 1/1946 by no means meet the above standards. The use of the term “false news or statements” in the criminal disinformation provisions of the law is vague, overbroad and imprecise, as the lines between facts and opinions, and truth and falsehoods can be notoriously difficult to draw.
Further, the authorities should not rely on an overbroad definition of upholding public order to justify restrictions of freedom of expression. There appears to be nothing in the law or in any correlative pronouncements to suggest whether or how “chaos in society” relates to any of the bases in the closed list of legitimate purposes under Article 19 of the ICCPR. The failure to comply with these requirements for restriction may result in the arbitrary sanctioning of legitimate expression protected under international human rights law, including public interest reporting or critical opinions concerning public officials.
Particular care must be taken concerning the application of criminal law, as it is among the harshest of tools at the disposal of the state to exert control over individuals. Criminal law may only proscribe conduct that inflicts or threatens substantial harm on the human rights of others or to certain fundamental public interests.
It is unlikely that “chaos in society” would meet the threshold of “substantial harm” needed to justify a criminal law response, in part due to the lack of clarity on what “chaos in society” actually entails. The potential of such disproportionate criminal penalties has a chilling effect on the free communication of ideas, opinions or information, as individuals will self-censor to protect themselves.
We, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), have documented how states across Southeast Asia have purported to combat disinformation with laws that fail to conform to international human rights law and standards on the right to freedom of expression and information.
These laws are emblematic of the immense challenges of responding to disinformation using coercive legal measures, especially if they focus on the blunt instrument of criminalization. Generally, these laws targeting disinformation have been used to suppress or discourage the expression of contentious and critical views on matters of public interest.
For instance, section 14 of Thailand’s Computer-related Crimes Act B.E. 2560 (CCA) criminalizes “false computer data” that is “likely to cause damage to the public”, or “the protection of national security, public safety […] or cause panic to the public”, with these crimes being punishable with up to five years’ imprisonment, a fine of up to 100,000 Baht (about US$3,000), or both. Similarly, Section 7 of Singapore’s Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 criminalizes the spreading of a “false statement of fact knowing it is false, and knowing it will or is likely to harm the public interest”, which may result in five years’ imprisonment, a fine of up to S$50,000 (about US$35,000), or both.
This worrying trend must be reversed, and Indonesia should thoroughly review its laws criminalizing disinformation, with a view to amending or repealing these provisions in line with its human rights obligations. While Law No. 1/1946 will no longer be applicable with the entry into force of the revised Criminal Code in January 2026, disinformation continues to be criminalized, including under articles 263 and 264 of the new Criminal Code.
The ICJ recognizes the complexities and challenges of responding to the spread of disinformation, including in online spaces.
When disinformation threatens human rights, states have a duty to take appropriate steps, grounded in human rights law, to address serious harms.
The crafting and use of vague and overbroad criminal laws, such as Article 14(1) of Law No. 1/1946, to sanction disinformation and undermine freedom of expression is rarely the answer. While certain forms of disinformation intended to cause serious harm may warrant a legal response, civil and administrative measures, rather than criminal law, will generally be appropriate where the disinformation does not involve incitement to violence. These legal responses must comply strictly with the human rights legal standards, and guard against harms that are limited and necessary to meet a legitimate purpose identified under Article 19 of the ICCPR.
More broadly, promoting and protecting, rather than limiting, human rights can serve as a means of achieving the kind of objectives that this legislation is purported to be aimed at. As emphasized by the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, it is through protecting and strengthening freedom of expression, improving digital literacy and supporting the important work of a free and independent media and civil society, that disinformation can be more effectively countered.
First published on The Jakarta Post here.
Nov 30, 2023 | Events, News
On 29 November 2023, the ICJ co-hosted a dialogue among Thai lawyers, academics, and Santiago A. Canton, Secretary General of the ICJ to exchange best practices from Latin America, specifically focusing on insights from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and domestic courts in the region – to address ongoing challenges in litigating cases involving suspected enforced disappearances within Thai courts.
The Dialogue involved challenges encountered in litigating cases of enforced disappearances, particularly in terms of accessing, collecting, and admitting evidence within Thai courts. These challenges are notably complex, especially when the crimes have occurred beyond Thailand’s borders.
Additionally, participants discussed the difficulties related to establishing the responsibility of individuals for these serious crimes and how courts have handled evidence submitted in previous enforced disappearance cases. This included instances where evidence, such as telecommunications, as well as various forensic evidence like biological evidence and DNA evidence, was dismissed, and the failure to identify the perpetrator in cases where the victims’ bodies or remains could not be located.
“The crime of enforced disappearance completely eradicates any trace of the victim, with no acknowledgment by the authorities and no effective investigation. The requirement to locate the disappeared individuals’ bodies and remains contradicts the very nature of the crime of enforced disappearance,” said Santiago A. Canton, Secretary General of the ICJ.
While highlighting that the criteria for evaluating evidence within the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) are less formal compared to domestic criminal legal systems, Canton noted IACtHR’s jurisprudence relevant to the admissibility of circumstantial and indicative evidence, which was particularly instructive as enforced disappearances typically involve deliberate attempts by state officials to destroy direct evidence, aimed at securing impunity.
“The standard of proof in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights allows lawyers, under certain circumstances, to only establish a demonstrable ‘practice’ of enforced disappearances at the time of a specific case. When combined with circumstantial evidence, this can result in a judicial presumption of enforced disappearance,” said Canton.
Participants also discussed the ‘continuous nature’ of enforced disappearance crimes, which are recognized under Thai law and enable cases from the past, where the fate and whereabouts of victims remained unknown, to be prosecutable before the court, notwithstanding the fundamental principle of non-retroactivity.
Closing remarks by Angkhana Neelapaijit, a Member of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, whose husband Somchai Neelapaijit was a victim of enforced disappearance, detailed the role of the Working Group and the steps taken globally to address the crime.
Background
More than 20 Thai experts, lawyers, and academics, who represent or have experience researching cases of enforced disappearances in Thailand, participated in the discussion.
Thailand’s Act on Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance became effective in February 2023. However, its implementation has been slow. The majority of cases involving suspected torture, ill-treatment, and enforced disappearances are still in the investigation phase, and not yet moved into the adjudication phase. Limited information about its progress has been made available to the public.
Prior to the enactment of this new law, only two cases of apparent enforced disappearances reached Thai courts: the case of prominent Muslim lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit and Karen activist Pholachi ‘Billy’ Rakchongcharoen. Unfortunately, these cases concluded with limited success, mainly due to challenges surrounding the evidence submitted to the court.
Contact
Sanhawan Srisod, ICJ Associate International Legal Adviser, e: sanhawan.srisod@icj.org
Further reading
Thailand: a report on the criminal trial and investigation of the enforced disappearance of the Thai human rights lawyer, Somchai Neelapaichit
Ten Years Without Truth: Somchai Neelapaijit and Enforced Disappearances in Thailand
Nov 30, 2023 | Advocacy, Analysis briefs, News
The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), in an amicus curiae brief submitted today, has requested the East Jakarta District Court to give effect to Indonesia’s international legal obligations concerning freedom of expression and information in their adjudication of a case concerning criminal charges against two human rights defenders, Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti.
Nov 28, 2023 | Cases, News
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Berlin, November 28, 2023 – A German court in the city of Celle is expected to deliver a verdict on November 30, 2023, in the first trial in Germany for crimes committed in The Gambia, Gambian and international civil society groups said today in releasing a question and answer document about the trial.
The groups are: the African Network against Extrajudicial Killings and Enforced Disappearances (ANEKED), the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), the Gambian Center for Victims of Human Rights Violations, Human Rights Watch, the International Commission of Jurists, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Rose Lokissim Association, the Solo Sandeng Foundation, and TRIAL International.
This trial is possible because Germany recognizes universal jurisdiction over certain serious crimes under international law, allowing for the investigation and prosecution of these crimes no matter where they were committed and regardless of the nationality of the suspects or victims.
The trial concerns Bai L., an alleged member of the “Junglers,” a paramilitary unit also known as the “Patrol Team,” which was set up by then-president Yahya Jammeh in the mid-1990s. Jammeh’s 22-year rule was marked by systematic oppression and widespread human rights violations, including torture, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and sexual violence against actual and perceived opponents.
German prosecutors accuse Bai L. of being a Junglers driver involved in the attempted murder of Ousman Sillah, a lawyer; the murder of Deyda Hydara, a journalist; the attempted murder of Ida Jagne and Nian Sarang Jobe, who worked with the independent newspaper Hydara; and the murder of a former Gambian soldier, Dawda Nyassi
The verdict in the Bai L. case represents a major step in the search for justice for years of abuses committed under Jammeh’s rule in The Gambia, the groups said. The Bai L. trial reinforces the role that governments like Germany can play in advancing justice for atrocities committed abroad under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
Civil society groups will hold a news conference online on Thursday, November 30 after the verdict is issued – scheduled for 3:30 pm CET – at the following link: https://us06web.zoom.us/j/81236784593?pwd=tvLgbtT3I8N9rF2Db2XTIRyH3Kn1gv.1
To read the question-and-answer document, please see the attached PDF:
Questions and Answers on first German trial for serious crimes
For more information, please contact:
For Reporters Without Borders, in Dakar, Sadibou Marong (English, French): +221-70-960-40-92 (mobile); or smarong@rsf.org. Twitter: @cheikhsadbu
For TRIAL International, in Geneva, Babaka Mputu (English, French, German): +41-775-07-04-56 (mobile); or media@trialinternational.org. Twitter: @Trial
For Human Rights Watch, in New York, Elise Keppler (English, French): +1-917-687-8576 (mobile); or kepplee@hrw.org. Twitter: @EliseKeppler
For Solo Sandeng Foundation, in Germany, Fatoumatta Sandeng (English, German, Mandinka, Wollof): +49-163-174-7519 (mobile); or solosandengfoundation@gmail.com. Twitter: @solosandengfound
For ANEKED, in New York, Nana-Jo Ndow (English, French, Spanish, Portuguese): +1-929-684-5734 (mobile); or nanajo.ndow@aneked.org. @theANEKED
For Reporters Without Borders, in Berlin, Nicola Bier (German, English, French, Spanish, Italian): +49-160-9957-6073 (mobile); or nicola.bier@reporter-ohne-grenzen.de. Twitter: @ReporterOG
Lawyer for Baba Hydara and Omar and Modou Nyassi, in Celle, Patrick Kroker (German, English, French): +49-170-813-6258 (mobile); or info@patrickkroker.net. Twitter: @pkroker2
For International Commission of Jurists, in New York, Reed Brody (English, Spanish, French, Portuguese): +1-917-388-6745 (mobile); or reedbrody@gmail.com. Twitter: @reedbrody
Nov 24, 2023
The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), in collaboration with aditus, Human Rights in Practice, Forum for Human Rights, Free Courts organized a workshop for lawyers on judicial independence and strategic litigation in Malta on 23 and 24 November 2023. The event focused on critical issues of judicial independence, including, appointment procedures, administration of justice, and freedom of expression and association of judges.
Judicial independence is essential for democracy and human rights protection, yet it is frequently under attack or pressure. Judicial independence is possible only with independent organisation and governance, and when judges’ human rights are guaranteed. This includes strict selection criteria and transparency in the appointment of judges and prosecutors, and it implies respect of freedom of expression and association of judges.
The participants discussed the challenges in guaranteeing both institutional and individual independence of judges, and in ensuring fairness and transparency in the appointment procedures. The workshop also focused on the possible limitations of the freedom of expression and association of judges. It was noted that judges often fear repercussions for expressing their opinions and participating in associations or protests.
The workshop brought together experts and practitioners from six EU Member States – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Romania and Slovakia – to discuss their experiences. The participants discussed the international legal framework and the possible ways to protect judicial independence focusing on the role of strategic litigation.
The event was the second of a series of workshops, each considering different aspects of judicial independence. These workshops aim to contribute to the development of the Final Mapping Report with recommendations on strategic litigation for practitioners in the EU, as part of the ROLL (Rule of Law for Lawyers) project.
Please see the workshop agenda here.
Please find recordings of some of the workshop presentations here.